by Lachmann
[Front Matter and Publication Details]: This segment contains the front matter for 'Capital, Expectations, and the Market Process' by Ludwig M. Lachmann. It includes a list of related titles in the Studies in Economic Theory series, publication and copyright information, and Library of Congress cataloging data. The work is edited by Walter E. Grinder and cosponsored by the Institute for Humane Studies and the Cato Institute. [Table of Contents]: The table of contents for the volume, organized into four parts: Introduction, Setting the Stage, The Market Process, and Problems in Macroeconomic and Capital Theory. It lists essays covering the subjective paradigm, the history of the Austrian school, the role of expectations, methodological individualism, and critiques of capital theory by thinkers such as Mises, Hicks, and Robinson. [Front Matter and Acknowledgments]: This segment contains the table of contents for Part 5, the appendix of Lachmann's writings, and the index. It also includes the editor's acknowledgments by Walter E. Grinder, highlighting the influence of Ludwig von Mises, F. A. Hayek, and the Institute for Humane Studies on the publication of this collection. [Introduction: In Pursuit of the Subjective Paradigm]: Walter E. Grinder provides an extensive intellectual biography of Ludwig M. Lachmann, framing his work as a radical pursuit of the subjective paradigm in economics. The essay traces Lachmann's development from his studies in Weimar Germany under Sombart to his time at the London School of Economics with Hayek, and finally his mature years in South Africa. Grinder emphasizes Lachmann's critique of the neoclassical synthesis and the Lausanne school for their reliance on static equilibrium models that ignore the subjective nature of expectations and the passage of time. Key themes include the 'verstehende' method, the heterogeneity of capital, and the role of the entrepreneur in the market process. The introduction also situates Lachmann's policy views within classical liberalism, particularly his opposition to monetary expansion and interventionism. [Austrian Economics in the Present Crisis of Economic Thought]: Lachmann analyzes the contemporary crisis in economic thought, contrasting the 'Austrian' subjectivist perspective with neoclassical and neo-Ricardian schools. He critiques Sir John Hicks's 'neo-Austrian' theory for its reliance on static expectations and a one-commodity world, which Lachmann argues nullifies the core Austrian insights regarding the diversity of human plans. The essay explores the limitations of macroeconomic aggregates like investment (I=S) when capital is recognized as a heterogeneous structure. Lachmann argues that the market should be viewed as a continuous process of coordination and knowledge diffusion rather than a state of general equilibrium. He concludes by asserting that while individual equilibrium is a useful tool, general equilibrium is an irrelevant fiction in a world of unexpected change and evolving knowledge. [The Market Process and Knowledge]: This segment continues the discussion on the market process, emphasizing that competition is a process of reducing ignorance rather than a static state. Lachmann argues that while the market process leads to the erosion of profit margins and the diffusion of knowledge, it also generates new ignorance and inspires product differentiation. He posits that the economic system never reaches equilibrium because equilibrating forces are constantly thwarted by changes in the distribution of knowledge resulting from exogenous forces and spontaneous human reactions. [The Significance of the Austrian School of Economics in the History of Ideas]: Lachmann explores the 'intellectual style' of the Austrian school, identifying 'Verstehen' (understanding) as its characteristic method. He contrasts this with the classical school's focus on quantitative 'laws of nature' and the Lausanne school's 'mechanistic' general equilibrium. Lachmann argues that the Austrian contribution centers on man as an actor whose plans and interpretations of meaning drive economic events. He defends the school against charges of 'essentialism' and 'psychologism,' clarifying that the method is 'pragmatic' or 'praxeological,' rooted in the categories of ends and means. The essay emphasizes that Austrian theory requires the dimension of time to account for human action and the revision of plans, which are excluded by the timeless statics of Walrasian models. [Interpretative Economics and Future Tasks]: Lachmann outlines the future tasks of 'verstehende' or interpretative economics. He argues that the logic of choice is a 'logic of success' that requires common experience to be applied to reality. He critiques the use of mathematical models that ignore the meaning of actions and the role of expectations. Lachmann suggests that social sciences should focus on the comparative study of individual plans and superindividual schemes like institutions, which serve to coordinate plans. He concludes that the methodological independence of the social sciences must be defended against the encroachment of natural science methods that are ill-suited for predicting human action. [The Role of Expectations in Economics as a Social Science]: This essay addresses the problem of expectations in economic theory. Lachmann argues against treating expectations as ultimate 'data,' asserting instead that they are responses to experience filtered through the human mind's interpretation. Because the same objective situation can lead to different expectations, they are economically indeterminate but can be made 'intelligible' through the use of 'ideal types.' Lachmann links expectations to the concept of a 'plan,' where individuals must draw a mental picture of a situation before acting. He applies this framework to the rate of interest, explaining inelastic interest-expectations as a market's belief in long-run forces. He also notes that Wicksellian trade cycle theory depends on the specific assumption of elastic expectations in a 'gullible' capital market. [Professor Shackle on the Economic Significance of Time]: Lachmann discusses G. L. S. Shackle's views on the solitary nature of the 'moment-in-being' and its implications for economic theory. While agreeing with Shackle's critique of naturalistic time and the impossibility of prediction, Lachmann argues that the continuity of the human mind and knowledge allows for intertemporal comparisons and plan revision. He suggests a bridge from Shackle's 'private and subjective' dynamics to a 'socially objective' market dynamics through the study of forward markets and the transmission of knowledge. The essay emphasizes that the most remarkable progress in economics is linked to the ascendancy of subjectivism, of which Shackle's work is a vital part. [The Science of Human Action]: Lachmann reviews Ludwig von Mises's 'Human Action,' describing it as a 'magnum opus' that establishes Praxeology (the science of human action) as a discipline distinct from Catallactics. He defends Mises's aprioristic methodology and his critique of mathematical economics for ignoring the market process. Lachmann highlights Mises's dynamic view of entrepreneurship and capital, where profits serve as signposts for the coordination of plans. The review also discusses Mises's 'Austrian' theory of the trade cycle—emphasizing capital malinvestment rather than lack of demand—and compares it to John Hicks's later work. Finally, Lachmann touches on Mises's social philosophy, including his defense of inequality as a result of the division of labor and his skepticism of formal education's ability to produce innovators. [Model Constructions and the Market Economy]: This segment introduces the essay 'Model Constructions and the Market Economy,' which likely continues Lachmann's critique of formalistic modeling in favor of a process-oriented understanding of the market. [Model Constructions and the Market Economy: Introduction and Methodological Problems]: Lachmann introduces the historical significance of the market as a focus of meaningful action and critiques the modern shift toward abstract neoclassical formalism. He argues that the imitation of natural sciences and the use of simultaneous equations for functional determination fail to explain the underlying plans and mental acts of economic agents. The segment outlines the inadequacy of equilibrium-based models, such as linear programming, in addressing actual market processes, disequilibrium, and the uncertainty inherent in human expectations. [In Criticism of Economic Models: Growth Theory and Macroeconomic Aggregates]: Lachmann critiques neoclassical growth models for their preoccupation with 'maximum growth paths' and dynamic equilibria, which assume total knowledge of data by all participants. He argues that macroeconomics improperly abstracts from individual human actions and plans, treating aggregates as if they follow mechanical laws independent of their heterogeneous constituents. The segment specifically challenges the treatment of technological progress as a uniform increase in productivity, arguing instead that it is a result of experimental mental acts and market selection that cannot be captured by functional calculus. [Guidelines for a Theory of a Market Economy: The Genetic-Causal Method]: Lachmann proposes a 'genetic-causal' method to replace functionalism, viewing the market as an 'open system' where uncoordinated plans are revised based on success or failure. He highlights the role of the stock exchange as a central forward market that reconciles inconsistent expectations and evaluates capital combinations. Competition is redefined not as a static state but as a dynamic process involving innovation (product differentiation) and imitation, which levels profit differences over time. He concludes by advocating for a return to the subjectivist tradition of Mises, Hayek, and Röpke. [Notes to 'Model Constructions and the Market Economy']: Footnotes for the preceding essay, citing works by Samuelson, Koopmans, von Neumann, Cassel, Dorfman, Kaldor, Machlup, Hicks, Arrow, and others regarding the formal methods of neoclassical economics and growth theory. [The Market Process: Some Notes on Economic Thought, 1933–1953]: Lachmann reviews the major trends in economic thought between 1933 and 1953, focusing on the rise of Keynesianism, theories of mixed market forms, and New Welfare Economics. He argues that the Keynesian model is an 'economics of extreme situations' (inflation or deep depression) that fails in normal progressive economies where factor heterogeneity is significant. He also discusses the evolution of monopolistic and imperfect competition theories, noting their successes in realism but identifying cracks in their doctrinal foundations regarding marginal revenue and excess capacity. [The Problem of Time, Knowledge, and Expectations in Economic Dynamics]: This segment explores the failure of neoclassical equilibrium methods to account for time and the acquisition of knowledge. Lachmann argues that in a changing world, the economic problem is 'catching up' with change through expectations. He critiques the haphazard introduction of expectations in Keynesian theory and the mechanistic nature of tools like 'elasticity of expectations.' He introduces 'Swedish Process Analysis' as a superior method for studying inconsistent plans and describes competition as a dynamic process of knowledge diffusion, echoing Schumpeter's 'creative destruction.' [Notes to 'Some Notes on Economic Thought, 1933–1953']: Footnotes for the historical review of economic thought, citing Kaldor, Hicks, Little, Baumol, Chamberlin, Robinson, Harrod, Hayek, Mises, and others. [Methodological Individualism and the Market Economy: Subjectivism vs. Formalism]: Lachmann defends methodological individualism and the 'compositive method' as the only ways to make the market process intelligible. He contrasts 'Subjectivism' (explaining action via mental plans) with 'Formalism' (treating human action as a response to stimulus within a closed system). He traces the history of this struggle through the subjective revolution of the 1870s and the emergence of expectations in the 1930s. He argues that formalism evades the problem of how plans are made by treating tastes and expectations as 'given' data, thereby amputating the active mental element from economic theory. [Asset Markets and the Function of the Stock Exchange]: Lachmann analyzes the Stock Exchange as a vital institution of the market economy that facilitates the transfer of resource control from pessimists to optimists through the valuation of future yield streams. He argues that asset market prices reflect a 'balance of expectations' and are necessarily flexible. He also critiques the welfare economic view that the market depends on an 'initial distribution' of wealth, asserting instead that wealth distribution is a cumulative and continuous result of the market process itself through capital gains and losses. [Notes to Previous Essays]: A collection of bibliographic notes and extended commentary supporting the previous essay. It includes citations for Mises, Hayek, Keynes, and Shackle, as well as a significant excerpt from Murray Rothbard regarding the lack of a distributional process separate from production and exchange in a free market. [Economics as a Social Science]: Lachmann outlines his triple thesis that economics is a science, a social science, and an analytical social science. He defends the study of human action against deterministic objections by distinguishing between free choice of ends and the scarcity of means. He argues that social sciences are superior to natural sciences in their ability to render the world intelligible through 'final causes' (human choice) rather than mere correlation. The essay also explores the relationship between economics and history, advocating for the 'compositive method' and explaining that while theory provides the analytical frame, history applies these generalizations to concrete facts to explain social phenomena. [Notes: Economics as a Social Science]: Footnotes for the 'Economics as a Social Science' essay, providing citations for Lionel Robbins and Max Weber, and expanding on the nature of the trade cycle with a quote from J.R. Hicks regarding the lack of uniformity in economic cycles. [Ludwig von Mises and the Market Process]: Lachmann critiques 'late classical formalism' and the neoclassical reliance on equilibrium, specifically targeting modern 'growth equilibrium' models (Harrod-Domar, Solow). He argues that these models fail because they require perfect foresight and ignore the divergence of expectations inherent in an uncertain world. As an alternative, he promotes Mises's concept of the 'Market Process,' which views the market as a continuous movement driven by unexpected change and inconsistent plans. The essay emphasizes that while equilibrating forces exist, they are often overtaken by disequilibrating forces, making general equilibrium an impossible state in reality. [Notes: Ludwig von Mises and the Market Process]: Bibliographic references for the essay on Mises and the Market Process, citing Mises's Human Action, Cassel's work on social economy, and Hayek's entry on the Austrian School. [Complementarity and Substitution in the Theory of Capital]: Lachmann examines the dual nature of capital as both a structure of complements and a field for substitution. He rejects the view of capital as a homogeneous fund, arguing instead that capital goods are heterogeneous and gain their meaning through integration into specific production plans. Complementarity is a property of plans, while substitution is a response to the failure of plans. He critiques 'depressionist' theories of capital accumulation, arguing that new investment doesn't just lower the rate of profit but reshapes the capital structure, creating gains for complements and losses for substitutes. The essay concludes that 'internal capital change' (regrouping) is more significant than mere 'external' investment volume. [Notes: Complementarity and Substitution in the Theory of Capital]: Detailed footnotes for the essay on capital theory, discussing the debate between Hicks, Lange, and Machlup on complementarity. It includes technical definitions of 'coefficients of production' and critiques Keynes's focus on new assets over the regrouping of existing ones. [Concluding Remarks on Capital Expectations and the Market Process]: A brief concluding observation on how dynamic demand changes and sympathetic shifts can lead to system indeterminacy even when total demand and supply appear balanced. [Mrs. Robinson on the Accumulation of Capital: Section 1]: Lachmann reviews Joan Robinson's 'The Accumulation of Capital', identifying her as a 'latter-day Ricardian' rather than a pure Keynesian or Marxist. He discusses her rejection of marginal analysis in favor of a classical perspective on long-run development, her critique of Keynes's 'Psychological Law', and her adoption of a cost-of-production theory of value while assuming homogeneous output. [Mrs. Robinson on the Accumulation of Capital: Section 2]: This section outlines Robinson's central model of capital accumulation and income distribution. It defines her concept of the 'golden age' as a moving equilibrium where technical progress is neutral and the capital-output ratio remains constant, while also explaining the 'inflation barrier' as a limit to investment and the 'mechanisation frontier' as a check on falling profit rates. [Mrs. Robinson on the Accumulation of Capital: Section 3]: Lachmann critiques Robinson's attempt to measure capital within a dynamic framework. He argues that her 'integrability condition' and 'real-capital ratio' (a modified labour theory of value) fail to account for how economic change alters the significance of labour and capital, concluding that an invariant measure of capital in a changing world is impossible. [Mrs. Robinson on the Accumulation of Capital: Section 4]: Lachmann examines the contradictions between Robinson's abstract model and the reality of technical progress. He argues that her model ignores malinvestment and the 'fossils' (obsolete capital) created by innovation, asserting that the notion of a capital stock with an 'appropriate' composition is incompatible with the actual processes of economic progress and capital gains/losses. [Mrs. Robinson on the Accumulation of Capital: Section 5]: The final section of the Robinson review critiques her methodological return to classical 'natural forces' and collective 'ideal types' (workers vs. entrepreneurs). Lachmann argues this approach suppresses the essential economic elements of individual choice, divergent expectations, and the continuous market process, representing a backward step from modern subjectivist economics. [Sir John Hicks on Capital and Growth: Sections 1-2]: Lachmann begins a review of John Hicks's 'Capital and Growth', highlighting Hicks's role as a mediator between neoclassical, Keynesian, and linear theories. He discusses Hicks's distinction between equilibrium at a point in time versus over a period, his recognition of capital heterogeneity, and the shift from a Marshallian flexible-price world to a modern 'fixprice' world. [Sir John Hicks on Capital and Growth: Sections 3-4]: Lachmann analyzes Hicks's growth model and the concept of the 'Traverse'—the transition between equilibrium paths. He critiques the possibility of a determinate Traverse given divergent expectations and the heterogeneity of capital, suggesting instead a return to 'Temporary Economic Equilibrium' and recognizing the Stock Exchange as the primary site where expectations are coordinated. [Sir John Hicks on Capital and Growth: Section 5]: The review concludes by addressing the fundamental conflict between subjective attitudes (expectations/tastes) and formal model analysis. Lachmann argues that because expectations are autonomous and unpredictable, they cannot be treated as mere variables or constants within a model, leading to the failure of formal growth equilibrium theories to capture real economic processes. [Sir John Hicks as a Neo-Austrian: Sections 1-2]: Lachmann reviews Hicks's 'Capital and Time', focusing on its 'Neo-Austrian' approach which views production as a process in time. He describes Hicks's use of sequential analysis to trace technological change through a series of 'weeks' and discusses the 'Fundamental Theorem' regarding interest rates and capital value, as well as the distinction between Fixwage and Full Employment theories. [Sir John Hicks as a Neo-Austrian: Sections 3-4]: This section examines Hicks's detailed analysis of the 'Traverse' in 'Capital and Time'. Lachmann discusses how the system adjusts to new technology, the implications for employment and wages (referencing Ricardo's machinery problem), and Hicks's acknowledgement of Hayek's 'vertical displacements' in the production structure, while noting Hicks's reliance on the simplifying assumption of static expectations. [Hicks on Capital Measurement and Accumulation]: Lachmann critiques Chapters XIII-XV of Hicks's work, focusing on the measurement of capital value versus volume and the role of divergent expectations. He highlights Hicks's rejection of perfect foresight in favor of static expectations and discusses the 'Traverse'—the process of adaptation between equilibrium states—while noting the limitations of the production function in accounting for capital heterogeneity. [Subjectivism vs. Formal Analysis in Neo-Austrian Theory]: Lachmann evaluates whether Hicks's 'neo-Austrian' theory is truly Austrian or more aligned with Ricardian and Walrasian classical traditions. He argues that while formal analysis is necessary for tracing unintended consequences, it often relies on restrictive assumptions—like the one-commodity world and static expectations—that obscure the 'dazzling diversity' and subjective springs of human action central to the Austrian tradition. [Notes to Capital, Expectations and the Market Process]: Bibliographic notes for the preceding chapters, citing works by Hicks, Shackle, Schumpeter, Lindahl, Lundberg, Hayek, and others regarding capital theory and industrial fluctuations. [A Reconsideration of the Austrian Theory of Industrial Fluctuations]: Lachmann defends the Austrian theory of industrial fluctuations against the then-dominant Keynesian paradigm. He argues that the theory's perceived 'static' nature is a misunderstanding; it is fundamentally a dynamic theory about the non-reversibility of investment and the inter-industrial relationships between prices, profits, and real wages during the cycle. [Innovation, Growth, and the Structure of Production]: This section details the mechanics of the Austrian trade cycle. Lachmann identifies 'K-industries' (dynamic key industries) as the drivers of innovation and capital intensification. He introduces the 'Lundberg effect' (cost-yield relationship) and the 'Ricardo effect' (substitution of capital for labor) to explain how shifts in real wages and interest rates destabilize investment and lead to the boom-bust cycle, emphasizing that full capacity is often reached before full employment due to rising labor productivity. [Notes and Part Five: On Economic Policy]: Footnotes for the trade cycle essay and the introduction to Part Five, discussing the methodology of economic history versus macro-economic modeling. [Causes and Consequences of the Inflation of Our Time]: Lachmann analyzes modern 'unidirectional' inflation, contrasting it with the 19th-century world of flexible prices. He identifies three primary causes: the high elasticity of money supply, the shift from merchant-set market prices to producer-set 'administered' prices, and the relentless upward pressure of trade union wage demands. He argues that this 'wage standard' has destroyed the autonomous price system, leading to 'indicative planning' as a desperate attempt to coordinate expectations in the absence of reliable price signals. [Discussion on Inflation and Economic Programming]: A record of a discussion following Lachmann's paper on inflation. Participants including Robertson, Houghton, and Holloway debate the role of trade unions, the validity of bureaucratic planning, and the moral/economic erosion caused by inflation. Lachmann concludes by reiterating that a society unable to control claims on its social product is 'sick' and that inflation distorts the capital structure through unrecorded capital gains and losses. [The Market Economy and the Distribution of Wealth]: Lachmann challenges the view that the distribution of wealth is a 'datum' or independent variable that can be manipulated without affecting the market process. He argues that wealth is a result of the successful use of specific, heterogeneous capital resources in an uncertain world. Market forces continuously redistribute wealth through capital gains and losses—a 'circulation of elites'—making the current distribution an object, not an agent, of the market process. [Cultivated Growth and the Market Economy]: Lachmann explores 'Economic Budgeting' (non-coercive planning) and its compatibility with the market economy. He defines it as the exchange of information to coordinate entrepreneurial plans ex ante. He argues this is compatible with the market because the market is an 'open system' where knowledge is never perfect. The primary benefit of such coordination is the reduction of malinvestment and excess capacity by aligning complementary capital structures across industries. [Footnotes and Bibliography of Ludwig M. Lachmann]: This segment contains the concluding footnotes for the final essay and a comprehensive appendix listing the books, monographs, and articles authored by Ludwig M. Lachmann. It includes seminal works such as 'Capital and Its Structure' and 'The Legacy of Max Weber', as well as numerous articles published in journals like Economica and the South African Journal of Economics. [Bibliography Continued and Index: A through K]: A continuation of Lachmann's bibliography followed by the first half of the book's index (A-K). The index provides page references for key economic concepts such as the Austrian school, business cycle theory, capital heterogeneity, and expectations, as well as major thinkers including Böhm-Bawerk, Hayek, Hicks, and Keynes. [Index: L through Z]: The concluding portion of the book's index (L-Z). It includes detailed sub-entries for Ludwig M. Lachmann's own theories and essays, as well as references for Menger, Mises, Shackle, and Walras. Key thematic entries include market process, subjectivism, time concept, and wealth distribution.
This segment contains the front matter for 'Capital, Expectations, and the Market Process' by Ludwig M. Lachmann. It includes a list of related titles in the Studies in Economic Theory series, publication and copyright information, and Library of Congress cataloging data. The work is edited by Walter E. Grinder and cosponsored by the Institute for Humane Studies and the Cato Institute.
Read full textThe table of contents for the volume, organized into four parts: Introduction, Setting the Stage, The Market Process, and Problems in Macroeconomic and Capital Theory. It lists essays covering the subjective paradigm, the history of the Austrian school, the role of expectations, methodological individualism, and critiques of capital theory by thinkers such as Mises, Hicks, and Robinson.
Read full textThis segment contains the table of contents for Part 5, the appendix of Lachmann's writings, and the index. It also includes the editor's acknowledgments by Walter E. Grinder, highlighting the influence of Ludwig von Mises, F. A. Hayek, and the Institute for Humane Studies on the publication of this collection.
Read full textWalter E. Grinder provides an extensive intellectual biography of Ludwig M. Lachmann, framing his work as a radical pursuit of the subjective paradigm in economics. The essay traces Lachmann's development from his studies in Weimar Germany under Sombart to his time at the London School of Economics with Hayek, and finally his mature years in South Africa. Grinder emphasizes Lachmann's critique of the neoclassical synthesis and the Lausanne school for their reliance on static equilibrium models that ignore the subjective nature of expectations and the passage of time. Key themes include the 'verstehende' method, the heterogeneity of capital, and the role of the entrepreneur in the market process. The introduction also situates Lachmann's policy views within classical liberalism, particularly his opposition to monetary expansion and interventionism.
Read full textLachmann analyzes the contemporary crisis in economic thought, contrasting the 'Austrian' subjectivist perspective with neoclassical and neo-Ricardian schools. He critiques Sir John Hicks's 'neo-Austrian' theory for its reliance on static expectations and a one-commodity world, which Lachmann argues nullifies the core Austrian insights regarding the diversity of human plans. The essay explores the limitations of macroeconomic aggregates like investment (I=S) when capital is recognized as a heterogeneous structure. Lachmann argues that the market should be viewed as a continuous process of coordination and knowledge diffusion rather than a state of general equilibrium. He concludes by asserting that while individual equilibrium is a useful tool, general equilibrium is an irrelevant fiction in a world of unexpected change and evolving knowledge.
Read full textThis segment continues the discussion on the market process, emphasizing that competition is a process of reducing ignorance rather than a static state. Lachmann argues that while the market process leads to the erosion of profit margins and the diffusion of knowledge, it also generates new ignorance and inspires product differentiation. He posits that the economic system never reaches equilibrium because equilibrating forces are constantly thwarted by changes in the distribution of knowledge resulting from exogenous forces and spontaneous human reactions.
Read full textLachmann explores the 'intellectual style' of the Austrian school, identifying 'Verstehen' (understanding) as its characteristic method. He contrasts this with the classical school's focus on quantitative 'laws of nature' and the Lausanne school's 'mechanistic' general equilibrium. Lachmann argues that the Austrian contribution centers on man as an actor whose plans and interpretations of meaning drive economic events. He defends the school against charges of 'essentialism' and 'psychologism,' clarifying that the method is 'pragmatic' or 'praxeological,' rooted in the categories of ends and means. The essay emphasizes that Austrian theory requires the dimension of time to account for human action and the revision of plans, which are excluded by the timeless statics of Walrasian models.
Read full textLachmann outlines the future tasks of 'verstehende' or interpretative economics. He argues that the logic of choice is a 'logic of success' that requires common experience to be applied to reality. He critiques the use of mathematical models that ignore the meaning of actions and the role of expectations. Lachmann suggests that social sciences should focus on the comparative study of individual plans and superindividual schemes like institutions, which serve to coordinate plans. He concludes that the methodological independence of the social sciences must be defended against the encroachment of natural science methods that are ill-suited for predicting human action.
Read full textThis essay addresses the problem of expectations in economic theory. Lachmann argues against treating expectations as ultimate 'data,' asserting instead that they are responses to experience filtered through the human mind's interpretation. Because the same objective situation can lead to different expectations, they are economically indeterminate but can be made 'intelligible' through the use of 'ideal types.' Lachmann links expectations to the concept of a 'plan,' where individuals must draw a mental picture of a situation before acting. He applies this framework to the rate of interest, explaining inelastic interest-expectations as a market's belief in long-run forces. He also notes that Wicksellian trade cycle theory depends on the specific assumption of elastic expectations in a 'gullible' capital market.
Read full textLachmann discusses G. L. S. Shackle's views on the solitary nature of the 'moment-in-being' and its implications for economic theory. While agreeing with Shackle's critique of naturalistic time and the impossibility of prediction, Lachmann argues that the continuity of the human mind and knowledge allows for intertemporal comparisons and plan revision. He suggests a bridge from Shackle's 'private and subjective' dynamics to a 'socially objective' market dynamics through the study of forward markets and the transmission of knowledge. The essay emphasizes that the most remarkable progress in economics is linked to the ascendancy of subjectivism, of which Shackle's work is a vital part.
Read full textLachmann reviews Ludwig von Mises's 'Human Action,' describing it as a 'magnum opus' that establishes Praxeology (the science of human action) as a discipline distinct from Catallactics. He defends Mises's aprioristic methodology and his critique of mathematical economics for ignoring the market process. Lachmann highlights Mises's dynamic view of entrepreneurship and capital, where profits serve as signposts for the coordination of plans. The review also discusses Mises's 'Austrian' theory of the trade cycle—emphasizing capital malinvestment rather than lack of demand—and compares it to John Hicks's later work. Finally, Lachmann touches on Mises's social philosophy, including his defense of inequality as a result of the division of labor and his skepticism of formal education's ability to produce innovators.
Read full textThis segment introduces the essay 'Model Constructions and the Market Economy,' which likely continues Lachmann's critique of formalistic modeling in favor of a process-oriented understanding of the market.
Read full textLachmann introduces the historical significance of the market as a focus of meaningful action and critiques the modern shift toward abstract neoclassical formalism. He argues that the imitation of natural sciences and the use of simultaneous equations for functional determination fail to explain the underlying plans and mental acts of economic agents. The segment outlines the inadequacy of equilibrium-based models, such as linear programming, in addressing actual market processes, disequilibrium, and the uncertainty inherent in human expectations.
Read full textLachmann critiques neoclassical growth models for their preoccupation with 'maximum growth paths' and dynamic equilibria, which assume total knowledge of data by all participants. He argues that macroeconomics improperly abstracts from individual human actions and plans, treating aggregates as if they follow mechanical laws independent of their heterogeneous constituents. The segment specifically challenges the treatment of technological progress as a uniform increase in productivity, arguing instead that it is a result of experimental mental acts and market selection that cannot be captured by functional calculus.
Read full textLachmann proposes a 'genetic-causal' method to replace functionalism, viewing the market as an 'open system' where uncoordinated plans are revised based on success or failure. He highlights the role of the stock exchange as a central forward market that reconciles inconsistent expectations and evaluates capital combinations. Competition is redefined not as a static state but as a dynamic process involving innovation (product differentiation) and imitation, which levels profit differences over time. He concludes by advocating for a return to the subjectivist tradition of Mises, Hayek, and Röpke.
Read full textFootnotes for the preceding essay, citing works by Samuelson, Koopmans, von Neumann, Cassel, Dorfman, Kaldor, Machlup, Hicks, Arrow, and others regarding the formal methods of neoclassical economics and growth theory.
Read full textLachmann reviews the major trends in economic thought between 1933 and 1953, focusing on the rise of Keynesianism, theories of mixed market forms, and New Welfare Economics. He argues that the Keynesian model is an 'economics of extreme situations' (inflation or deep depression) that fails in normal progressive economies where factor heterogeneity is significant. He also discusses the evolution of monopolistic and imperfect competition theories, noting their successes in realism but identifying cracks in their doctrinal foundations regarding marginal revenue and excess capacity.
Read full textThis segment explores the failure of neoclassical equilibrium methods to account for time and the acquisition of knowledge. Lachmann argues that in a changing world, the economic problem is 'catching up' with change through expectations. He critiques the haphazard introduction of expectations in Keynesian theory and the mechanistic nature of tools like 'elasticity of expectations.' He introduces 'Swedish Process Analysis' as a superior method for studying inconsistent plans and describes competition as a dynamic process of knowledge diffusion, echoing Schumpeter's 'creative destruction.'
Read full textFootnotes for the historical review of economic thought, citing Kaldor, Hicks, Little, Baumol, Chamberlin, Robinson, Harrod, Hayek, Mises, and others.
Read full textLachmann defends methodological individualism and the 'compositive method' as the only ways to make the market process intelligible. He contrasts 'Subjectivism' (explaining action via mental plans) with 'Formalism' (treating human action as a response to stimulus within a closed system). He traces the history of this struggle through the subjective revolution of the 1870s and the emergence of expectations in the 1930s. He argues that formalism evades the problem of how plans are made by treating tastes and expectations as 'given' data, thereby amputating the active mental element from economic theory.
Read full textLachmann analyzes the Stock Exchange as a vital institution of the market economy that facilitates the transfer of resource control from pessimists to optimists through the valuation of future yield streams. He argues that asset market prices reflect a 'balance of expectations' and are necessarily flexible. He also critiques the welfare economic view that the market depends on an 'initial distribution' of wealth, asserting instead that wealth distribution is a cumulative and continuous result of the market process itself through capital gains and losses.
Read full textA collection of bibliographic notes and extended commentary supporting the previous essay. It includes citations for Mises, Hayek, Keynes, and Shackle, as well as a significant excerpt from Murray Rothbard regarding the lack of a distributional process separate from production and exchange in a free market.
Read full textLachmann outlines his triple thesis that economics is a science, a social science, and an analytical social science. He defends the study of human action against deterministic objections by distinguishing between free choice of ends and the scarcity of means. He argues that social sciences are superior to natural sciences in their ability to render the world intelligible through 'final causes' (human choice) rather than mere correlation. The essay also explores the relationship between economics and history, advocating for the 'compositive method' and explaining that while theory provides the analytical frame, history applies these generalizations to concrete facts to explain social phenomena.
Read full textFootnotes for the 'Economics as a Social Science' essay, providing citations for Lionel Robbins and Max Weber, and expanding on the nature of the trade cycle with a quote from J.R. Hicks regarding the lack of uniformity in economic cycles.
Read full textLachmann critiques 'late classical formalism' and the neoclassical reliance on equilibrium, specifically targeting modern 'growth equilibrium' models (Harrod-Domar, Solow). He argues that these models fail because they require perfect foresight and ignore the divergence of expectations inherent in an uncertain world. As an alternative, he promotes Mises's concept of the 'Market Process,' which views the market as a continuous movement driven by unexpected change and inconsistent plans. The essay emphasizes that while equilibrating forces exist, they are often overtaken by disequilibrating forces, making general equilibrium an impossible state in reality.
Read full textBibliographic references for the essay on Mises and the Market Process, citing Mises's Human Action, Cassel's work on social economy, and Hayek's entry on the Austrian School.
Read full textLachmann examines the dual nature of capital as both a structure of complements and a field for substitution. He rejects the view of capital as a homogeneous fund, arguing instead that capital goods are heterogeneous and gain their meaning through integration into specific production plans. Complementarity is a property of plans, while substitution is a response to the failure of plans. He critiques 'depressionist' theories of capital accumulation, arguing that new investment doesn't just lower the rate of profit but reshapes the capital structure, creating gains for complements and losses for substitutes. The essay concludes that 'internal capital change' (regrouping) is more significant than mere 'external' investment volume.
Read full textDetailed footnotes for the essay on capital theory, discussing the debate between Hicks, Lange, and Machlup on complementarity. It includes technical definitions of 'coefficients of production' and critiques Keynes's focus on new assets over the regrouping of existing ones.
Read full textA brief concluding observation on how dynamic demand changes and sympathetic shifts can lead to system indeterminacy even when total demand and supply appear balanced.
Read full textLachmann reviews Joan Robinson's 'The Accumulation of Capital', identifying her as a 'latter-day Ricardian' rather than a pure Keynesian or Marxist. He discusses her rejection of marginal analysis in favor of a classical perspective on long-run development, her critique of Keynes's 'Psychological Law', and her adoption of a cost-of-production theory of value while assuming homogeneous output.
Read full textThis section outlines Robinson's central model of capital accumulation and income distribution. It defines her concept of the 'golden age' as a moving equilibrium where technical progress is neutral and the capital-output ratio remains constant, while also explaining the 'inflation barrier' as a limit to investment and the 'mechanisation frontier' as a check on falling profit rates.
Read full textLachmann critiques Robinson's attempt to measure capital within a dynamic framework. He argues that her 'integrability condition' and 'real-capital ratio' (a modified labour theory of value) fail to account for how economic change alters the significance of labour and capital, concluding that an invariant measure of capital in a changing world is impossible.
Read full textLachmann examines the contradictions between Robinson's abstract model and the reality of technical progress. He argues that her model ignores malinvestment and the 'fossils' (obsolete capital) created by innovation, asserting that the notion of a capital stock with an 'appropriate' composition is incompatible with the actual processes of economic progress and capital gains/losses.
Read full textThe final section of the Robinson review critiques her methodological return to classical 'natural forces' and collective 'ideal types' (workers vs. entrepreneurs). Lachmann argues this approach suppresses the essential economic elements of individual choice, divergent expectations, and the continuous market process, representing a backward step from modern subjectivist economics.
Read full textLachmann begins a review of John Hicks's 'Capital and Growth', highlighting Hicks's role as a mediator between neoclassical, Keynesian, and linear theories. He discusses Hicks's distinction between equilibrium at a point in time versus over a period, his recognition of capital heterogeneity, and the shift from a Marshallian flexible-price world to a modern 'fixprice' world.
Read full textLachmann analyzes Hicks's growth model and the concept of the 'Traverse'—the transition between equilibrium paths. He critiques the possibility of a determinate Traverse given divergent expectations and the heterogeneity of capital, suggesting instead a return to 'Temporary Economic Equilibrium' and recognizing the Stock Exchange as the primary site where expectations are coordinated.
Read full textThe review concludes by addressing the fundamental conflict between subjective attitudes (expectations/tastes) and formal model analysis. Lachmann argues that because expectations are autonomous and unpredictable, they cannot be treated as mere variables or constants within a model, leading to the failure of formal growth equilibrium theories to capture real economic processes.
Read full textLachmann reviews Hicks's 'Capital and Time', focusing on its 'Neo-Austrian' approach which views production as a process in time. He describes Hicks's use of sequential analysis to trace technological change through a series of 'weeks' and discusses the 'Fundamental Theorem' regarding interest rates and capital value, as well as the distinction between Fixwage and Full Employment theories.
Read full textThis section examines Hicks's detailed analysis of the 'Traverse' in 'Capital and Time'. Lachmann discusses how the system adjusts to new technology, the implications for employment and wages (referencing Ricardo's machinery problem), and Hicks's acknowledgement of Hayek's 'vertical displacements' in the production structure, while noting Hicks's reliance on the simplifying assumption of static expectations.
Read full textLachmann critiques Chapters XIII-XV of Hicks's work, focusing on the measurement of capital value versus volume and the role of divergent expectations. He highlights Hicks's rejection of perfect foresight in favor of static expectations and discusses the 'Traverse'—the process of adaptation between equilibrium states—while noting the limitations of the production function in accounting for capital heterogeneity.
Read full textLachmann evaluates whether Hicks's 'neo-Austrian' theory is truly Austrian or more aligned with Ricardian and Walrasian classical traditions. He argues that while formal analysis is necessary for tracing unintended consequences, it often relies on restrictive assumptions—like the one-commodity world and static expectations—that obscure the 'dazzling diversity' and subjective springs of human action central to the Austrian tradition.
Read full textBibliographic notes for the preceding chapters, citing works by Hicks, Shackle, Schumpeter, Lindahl, Lundberg, Hayek, and others regarding capital theory and industrial fluctuations.
Read full textLachmann defends the Austrian theory of industrial fluctuations against the then-dominant Keynesian paradigm. He argues that the theory's perceived 'static' nature is a misunderstanding; it is fundamentally a dynamic theory about the non-reversibility of investment and the inter-industrial relationships between prices, profits, and real wages during the cycle.
Read full textThis section details the mechanics of the Austrian trade cycle. Lachmann identifies 'K-industries' (dynamic key industries) as the drivers of innovation and capital intensification. He introduces the 'Lundberg effect' (cost-yield relationship) and the 'Ricardo effect' (substitution of capital for labor) to explain how shifts in real wages and interest rates destabilize investment and lead to the boom-bust cycle, emphasizing that full capacity is often reached before full employment due to rising labor productivity.
Read full textFootnotes for the trade cycle essay and the introduction to Part Five, discussing the methodology of economic history versus macro-economic modeling.
Read full textLachmann analyzes modern 'unidirectional' inflation, contrasting it with the 19th-century world of flexible prices. He identifies three primary causes: the high elasticity of money supply, the shift from merchant-set market prices to producer-set 'administered' prices, and the relentless upward pressure of trade union wage demands. He argues that this 'wage standard' has destroyed the autonomous price system, leading to 'indicative planning' as a desperate attempt to coordinate expectations in the absence of reliable price signals.
Read full textA record of a discussion following Lachmann's paper on inflation. Participants including Robertson, Houghton, and Holloway debate the role of trade unions, the validity of bureaucratic planning, and the moral/economic erosion caused by inflation. Lachmann concludes by reiterating that a society unable to control claims on its social product is 'sick' and that inflation distorts the capital structure through unrecorded capital gains and losses.
Read full textLachmann challenges the view that the distribution of wealth is a 'datum' or independent variable that can be manipulated without affecting the market process. He argues that wealth is a result of the successful use of specific, heterogeneous capital resources in an uncertain world. Market forces continuously redistribute wealth through capital gains and losses—a 'circulation of elites'—making the current distribution an object, not an agent, of the market process.
Read full textLachmann explores 'Economic Budgeting' (non-coercive planning) and its compatibility with the market economy. He defines it as the exchange of information to coordinate entrepreneurial plans ex ante. He argues this is compatible with the market because the market is an 'open system' where knowledge is never perfect. The primary benefit of such coordination is the reduction of malinvestment and excess capacity by aligning complementary capital structures across industries.
Read full textThis segment contains the concluding footnotes for the final essay and a comprehensive appendix listing the books, monographs, and articles authored by Ludwig M. Lachmann. It includes seminal works such as 'Capital and Its Structure' and 'The Legacy of Max Weber', as well as numerous articles published in journals like Economica and the South African Journal of Economics.
Read full textA continuation of Lachmann's bibliography followed by the first half of the book's index (A-K). The index provides page references for key economic concepts such as the Austrian school, business cycle theory, capital heterogeneity, and expectations, as well as major thinkers including Böhm-Bawerk, Hayek, Hicks, and Keynes.
Read full textThe concluding portion of the book's index (L-Z). It includes detailed sub-entries for Ludwig M. Lachmann's own theories and essays, as well as references for Menger, Mises, Shackle, and Walras. Key thematic entries include market process, subjectivism, time concept, and wealth distribution.
Read full text