Die menschliche Gesellschaft in ihren ethno soziologischen Grundlagen Band 2

[Title Page and Publication Information]: The title page and publication details for the second volume of Richard Thurnwald's comprehensive work on the ethno-sociological foundations of human society. This volume specifically focuses on the development, change, and formation of family, kinship, and associations from an ethnological perspective. [Overview of the Complete Work (Volumes 1-5)]: A high-level table of contents outlining the five volumes of Thurnwald's series. It covers topics ranging from representative lifestyles (hunters, planters, herders) to family, economy, state formation, and primitive law. [Detailed Table of Contents: Family and Kinship]: A detailed table of contents for the first section of Volume 2, focusing on Family and Kinship. It lists sub-chapters on the status of women, forms of marriage (monogamy, polygamy, polyandry), marriage regulations (exogamy, incest), kinship systems, and the specific dynamics of matriarchal and patriarchal societies, as well as the role of children. [Table of Contents: Sections XII to B.5]: Continuation of the table of contents covering life cycles, age groups, widowhood, and various types of social and secret associations (Bünde). It lists specific topics such as initiation rites for boys and girls, secret societies in Africa and America, and the architectural forms of family and communal buildings. [Introduction to Family and Kinship: Systems and Institutions]: Thurnwald introduces the study of social functions like family, state, and economy as sub-systems within a cultural whole. He argues that traditions in 'primitive' societies are more flexible than in literate ones, allowing for adaptation to new constellations. He critiques the use of Max Weber's 'ideal types' in ethnology, suggesting they prioritize logical-aesthetic extremes over functional utility and biological balance within a living culture. [The Interlocking of Gender and Age: Biological Foundations of the Family]: The author examines the family as the core unit of human socialization, driven by the biological interlocking of genders and ages. He discusses the division of labor and the importance of offspring in 'nature peoples.' He argues that family forms (monogamy, polygyny, matriarchy, patriarchy) are not linear developments but reversible variations that oscillate around biological norms, often influenced by technical progress like agriculture or animal husbandry. [Factors Shaping Family Structure and the Role of Matrilineal Authority]: This section analyzes the factors shaping family structures, including food acquisition techniques, political organization, and physiological beliefs regarding procreation. It explores the 'avunculate' (authority of the maternal uncle), using the Trobriand Islanders as a primary example where biological fatherhood is dogmatically denied. It also covers matrilineal systems among the Pueblo and Hidatsa Indians, noting that matrilineal descent does not necessarily equate to female political rule. [The Transition Between Matrilineal and Patriarchal Authority]: Thurnwald discusses the coexistence and rivalry between maternal and paternal influences in various societies (Melanesia, Africa, North America). He explores why societies might transition from 'uncle-rule' to 'father-rule,' suggesting that the responsibility for providing for the wife and children is a decisive factor. He notes that even in highly patriarchal systems like ancient China, matrilineal traces remain in mythology and philosophy (Taoism). [The Patriarchal Family: From Simple Provision to Aristocratic Rule]: The text distinguishes between lower forms of patriarchy based on simple provision and higher forms characterized by aristocratic rule, slavery, and the inclusion of outsiders. Examples include the Chukchi, Mafulu, Herero, and West African groups. It details how property, especially livestock and slaves, strengthens patriarchal authority and how ancestor worship in Indo-Germanic cultures (Greeks, Romans, Germans) reinforced the patrilineal family structure. [Family Forms: Small Families, Extended Families, and Specialized Clans]: This section defines and distinguishes between the small family (Kleinfamilie), the extended family (Großfamilie), the kin group (Sippe), and the clan (Klan). It provides ethnographic examples of family-based social organization among the Veddas, Chukchi, and Koryaks. A unique case of the Patwin Indians is presented, where specific families hold hereditary rights to certain technical or ritual functions (e.g., fishing techniques, making ceremonial drums), bridging the gap between family and guild. [The Extended Family in Agrarian and Pastoral Societies: Zadruga and Mir]: The final part of the chunk examines the 'Großfamilie' in pastoral and agrarian contexts, focusing on the South Slavic 'Zadruga' and the Russian 'Mir' system. These are characterized by communal living, shared property, and the leadership of a patriarch. Thurnwald notes that while these systems seem ancient, they are variants influenced by specific economic conditions and historical stratification. He also contrasts these communal forms with the earlier rise of individualism in Western Germanic societies. [The Status of Women: Factors of Change and Wildbeuter Societies]: Thurnwald examines the factors influencing the status of women among 'primitive' peoples, focusing on the interplay between food acquisition techniques, social organization, and mental outlook. In hunter-gatherer (Wildbeuter) societies, a clear division of labor exists where women's gathering activities provide a stable food source, granting them significant independence and equality in daily life, though they remain largely excluded from 'political' activities involving violence and warfare. [The Impact of Dominance, Property, and Agriculture on Women's Status]: The text discusses how the transition to advanced agriculture and the rise of political dominance shifted the status of women. While women managed the hoe-based gardening, the introduction of the plow and the acquisition of slaves (often through male-led warfare) concentrated wealth and power in men's hands. This led to the conceptualization of women as property of the family head and the strengthening of patriarchal structures, even if daily life sometimes differed from these legal and religious theories. [Case Studies: Women as Gatherers (Bergdama, Bushmen, and Others)]: Thurnwald provides detailed ethnographic accounts of women's roles in gathering societies, specifically the Bergdama. He notes that women often own the huts and provide the most consistent food supply, leading to a degree of domestic authority where men cannot access food without permission. The section also covers women's roles as peace mediators, the impact of European contact on gendered labor (e.g., tobacco cultivation becoming male-dominated), and comparisons with the Veddas, Andaman Islanders, and Australian Aborigines. [Women in Horticultural and Matrilineal Societies]: This segment explores the status of women among 'middle primitives' who practice hoe-cultivation. In many of these societies, women's control over gardening maintains their high status. Thurnwald contrasts the sharp gender segregation in Melanesia (with men's houses and secret ceremonies) with the more integrated ceremonial life of North American tribes like the Iroquois. He notes that while women may legally be viewed as property in some areas, their actual influence remains high, especially in matrilineal systems where they control household resources and artistic traditions like pottery. [Women in Stratified Societies: Matriarchy vs. Patriarchal Tendencies]: Thurnwald analyzes the status of women in more complex, stratified societies. He distinguishes between 'matrilineal descent' and 'matriarchy' (Gynäkokratie), noting that women in the Trobriand Islands or among the Barundi often hold significant rank and influence despite patriarchal legal frameworks. In Africa, the 'Queen Mother' often acts as a co-regent. He emphasizes that legal definitions of women as 'property' (as seen among the Ewe or in Loango) often fail to reflect the actual social power and economic independence women exercise in daily life. [Germanic Law, Female Influence, and Political Power]: The final section of this chunk examines the legal status of women in Germanic and Nordic traditions, focusing on property rights, the 'Munt' (guardianship), and the role of the 'Erbtochter' (heiress). It then broadens into a discussion of female political power across various cultures, including female chiefs in New Guinea, co-regents in African kingdoms (Lunda, Bushongo), and the historical/mythological accounts of Amazons and female warriors. Thurnwald concludes by summarizing that while women are often excluded from formal 'politics,' their economic roles as gatherers or farmers provide the foundation for their social standing. [III. Das Zusammenleben der Geschlechter: Eheformen und Institutionen]: This section introduces the study of marriage in primitive societies, outlining the three primary sources of information: ancient writers, contemporary ethnographic reports, and linguistic or ritual derivations. Thurnwald critiques the simplistic evolutionary models of marriage (e.g., from 'bride theft' to 'bride purchase') and emphasizes that marriage forms like monogamy and polygamy often overlap in practice, influenced by economic and political structures rather than just moral development. [Ehe in homogenen Gemeinden und bei Wildbeutern]: A detailed ethnographic analysis of marriage among the Bergdama and Australian Aboriginal tribes. It describes the economic independence of women as gatherers, the practice of 'bride service' or purchase, and the social custom of friendly wife-exchange (Frauenaustausch) between friends or allies. The text refutes the idea of primitive promiscuity, asserting that even in Australia, marriage is a regulated and legally normed institution, typically monogamous in practice but allowing polygyny for influential elders. [Ehe unter Ungleichaltrigen und in geschichteten Gesellschaften]: Thurnwald examines the phenomenon of marriages between individuals of vastly different ages, often driven by gerontocratic control where old men possess young wives while young men marry older widows. The section then transitions to marriage in stratified societies, where political power and property rights transform marriage into a tool for social status. It explores how bride-wealth (Frauenkauf) evolves from a symbolic exchange of gifts into a more rigid property-based system in patriarchal cultures. [Konkrete Beispiele: Feldbauern, Hirtenvölker und archaische Kulturen]: This segment provides specific case studies of marriage across different economic types: Melanesian farmers (Admiralty Islands), North American Hidatsa, African Thonga pastoralists, Micronesian Yap islanders, and Siberian Kirghiz. It details the legal constructions of bride-price, the rights of the father over children, and the transition to archaic state societies where marriage becomes umwreathed in complex ceremonies and class-based restrictions (e.g., caste endogamy in India or the 'matron' type in Greco-Roman antiquity). [b) Ehebruch: Bewertung und Vergeltung]: An analysis of adultery (Ehebruch) across various cultures. Thurnwald notes that adultery is almost universally punished more severely for women than for men, often viewed as a violation of the husband's property rights. The section covers methods of detection (oracles), social consequences (fines, beatings, or blood feuds), and the influence of social stratification, where adultery with a chief's wife or across caste lines carries extreme penalties. It also discusses the 'house justice' of the husband and the role of the community in mediating disputes. [c) Ehescheidung: Rechtliche Grundlagen und soziale Folgen]: This section explores divorce (Ehescheidung) as the unilateral right of the husband in many cultures, though practical barriers like the loss of labor or the need to return the bride-price often prevent it. It contrasts the 'easy' divorce of the Eskimos with the more rigid systems of pastoralists and the unique situation of matrilocal Pueblo Indians. The text also traces the history of divorce in Germanic law and the influence of the Church and Roman law on the concept of mutual consent and fault (Schuldfrage). [d) Polygamische Verbindungen: Polygynie und Polyandrie]: Thurnwald distinguishes between various forms of multiple-partner unions: polygyny (many wives), polyandry (many husbands), and group marriage. He analyzes 'gerontocratic polygyny' in Australia and Africa, where elders monopolize young women for economic and status reasons. The section also covers 'successive polygamy' in matrilocal societies and the rare phenomenon of polyandry (e.g., among the Toda or in Tibet), often linked to specific kinship rules or a shortage of women. [e) Nebenehe: Sexuelle Anteilnahme und rituelle Bräuche]: The final segment of this chunk discusses 'Nebenehe' (secondary or ritual marital relations), such as the Pirrauru of the Dieri or the complex ritual exchanges of the Bánaro. Thurnwald argues these are not signs of 'primitive promiscuity' but highly regulated social and religious institutions. He connects these practices to the 'ius primae noctis', the role of 'procreation helpers' (Zeugungshelfer) in European folklore, and the survival of such concepts in the writings of Martin Luther regarding the preservation of family property. [Introduction to Marriage Forms and Determinants]: Thurnwald introduces the sociological foundations of marriage, arguing that marriage forms are not arbitrary but determined by the underlying conditions of life and mental state of a culture. He outlines seven key factors influencing marriage, including the role of puberty rites, the influence of matriarchal tendencies on ceremony complexity, and the transition from symbolic actions to formal contracts. [Theories of Marriage by Capture and Purchase]: The author critiques the 'scientific myth' of marriage by capture (Raubehe) as a primitive ur-form, arguing instead that such practices are either exceptions or symbolic representations of psychological transitions. He reinterprets 'marriage by purchase' (Kaufheirat) not as a purely commercial transaction, but as a form of gift exchange (connubium and commercium) intended to cement friendships between families, which only later evolved into economic payments under patriarchal systems. [Informal Marriage and Puberty Rites in Southeast Asia and the Americas]: A survey of marriage customs among lower-tier nature peoples where formal ceremonies are often absent or merged with youth initiation rites. Examples include the Orang-Sakei, Semang, and Punan, where marriage is often a simple agreement or follows the start of cohabitation. Thurnwald also describes the 'housewife test' among the Pima Indians and child marriage practices among the Eskimo. [Bride Service and Gift Exchange in Oceania and Siberia]: This section details the practice of 'earning' a wife through labor (bride service) and mutual gift exchange. It covers the Trobriand Islands (referencing Malinowski), the Chukchi of Siberia where the groom serves as a 'herder' for the father-in-law, and the Koryak and Kamchadals where service is a mandatory test of capability. The text explores how these services often function as a 'trial marriage' period. [Marriage Negotiations and Symbolic Courtship]: Thurnwald examines the role of mediators and symbolic communication in marriage proposals across various cultures, including the Bergdama, Andamanese, and Motu. He describes specific rituals such as the exchange of betel nuts, tattooing as a sign of engagement, and the Maori use of knots as a symbolic language for acceptance or rejection of a suitor. [The Economics of Bride Price and Social Status]: An analysis of 'bride purchase' (Frauenkauf) and its relation to social status. In many cultures, such as the Tillamook or Kpelle, a high price is paid to ensure the respectability of the wife and children. The section discusses how these payments can be made in goods, slaves, or labor, and notes the transition from gift-giving to formal purchase in groups influenced by neighboring cultures. [Psychological Resistance and Symbolic Capture]: Thurnwald explores the psychological underpinnings of 'marriage by capture' rituals. He argues that the resistance shown by the bride (and sometimes the groom) is often a culturally mandated expression of 'shame' or hesitation when transitioning to a new social state. He cites examples from New Guinea, the Caucasus, and ancient Sparta (referencing Plutarch) to show that these 'struggles' are often staged or symbolic. [Ritualized Struggle and Genuine Abduction]: This segment distinguishes between purely symbolic marriage struggles and genuine abduction. It describes the 'mock battles' of the Koryak and Kayan, the virginity rituals of the Gilbert Islands, and cases of actual bride theft among the Somal and Sasak (Lombok). In the latter cases, abduction often serves to bypass traditional marriage orders or to settle blood feuds by replacing lost labor power. [Avoidance Taboos and Ritual Purification]: Thurnwald details the complex avoidance taboos and purification rituals surrounding marriage, particularly among the Herero and the peoples of Seram. These include the 'fat-net' veil, the use of sacred fire, and the 'Tobiaszeit' (a period of sexual abstinence after the ceremony). He also discusses the widespread taboo against speaking the names of in-laws or the mother-in-law avoidance. [Social Hierarchy and Marriage Ceremonies]: The text explores how social rank and clan structures dictate marriage rituals. It covers the Tlingit system of mutual respect through gift-giving, the rigid caste-based marriage of Tonga, and the unique 'riddle games' or mythological interrogations found in Western Tibet and ancient Peru. These rituals often serve to verify the suitor's religious or social belonging. [Marriage Mediation and Dowry Systems]: Thurnwald discusses the role of the professional or family mediator in marriage negotiations among the Beni-Amer, Algerians, and Mongolians. He explains the transition from simple gift exchange to the formal 'dowry' (Aussteuer) system, where the bride's father provides equipment and goods to match the groom's payment, often as a sign of 'respect' for the daughter. [Trial Marriage and Post-Marital Residence]: The final segment of this chunk covers seasonal marriage patterns, trial marriages (Probeheirat), and the rules of residence (Gattenfolge/Gattinnenfolge). It describes the 'Tobiaszeit' in ancient Mexico, the three-year secret marriage service of the Khyoungtha, and the general absence of unmarried individuals in these societies, noting that only those with severe defects remain single. [Sexuelle Sitten: Keuschheit und Bewertungssysteme]: Thurnwald examines the concept of chastity (Keuschheit) from an ethno-sociological perspective, arguing that it is not a universal moral absolute but a culturally specific system of restraint. He critiques romanticized views of 'unrestrained' primitive sexuality, noting that psychological inhibitions and strict social penalties, including the death penalty for violating avoidance laws (Meidungsgesetze), are common across diverse cultures. [Soziale Strukturen und sexuelle Schranken]: This section explores how social structures like matriarchy, patriarchy, and political hierarchy influence sexual norms. It discusses the role of sexuality in magic (Sexualzauber), distinguishing between imitative fertility magic (Vorbildzauber) and compensatory magic used during mourning, while noting that ritual orgies are often misinterpreted by outsiders as general lawlessness. [Sexualleben vor der Ehe in verschiedenen Kulturen]: A comparative analysis of premarital sexual practices among various ethnic groups including the Kai (New Guinea), Eyáp (Cameroon), Kipsikis (East Africa), and Lango (Uganda). The text details a spectrum of norms ranging from strict prohibition and punishment (Eyáp) to socially sanctioned 'free love' and trial relationships (Kipsikis, Lango), while highlighting the importance of virginity in specific groups like the Galla. [Sexualleben in der Ehe und Frauentausch]: This section discusses marital sexual norms, focusing on adultery penalties, the practice of wife-lending among Eskimo groups for pragmatic survival reasons, and the tension between clan loyalty and family stability among the Ba-ila. It also touches upon the social consequences of infertility and the use of adoption to maintain lineage rights. [Heiratsordnungen, Mutterrecht und soziale Stellung]: Thurnwald examines how marriage laws and kinship systems (like matriarchy on the Trobriand Islands) define sexual behavior. He describes the economic aspects of marriage, such as the bride price among the Kai, and how social status or wealth allows for polygyny, while also noting the relative independence of women in certain matrilineal societies. [Gleichgeschlechtliche Beziehungen und Sexualverbote]: This segment covers non-normative sexual behaviors and specific prohibitions. It discusses the social integration of 'Jo apele' (eunuchoid/impotent individuals treated as women) among the Lango, the severe social and magical sanctions against bestiality, and various psychological or ritual inhibitions related to the timing and location of sexual acts. [Sexuelle Riten, Zauber und Islamische Einflüsse]: The text details the intersection of sexuality with ritual and magic, including love charms among the Ba-Ronga and the role of sexual rites in village founding. It also contrasts these with Islamic and pre-Islamic Arabian rules of modesty (Schamhaftigkeit), hygiene, and the avoidance of demons through specific grooming and covering practices. [Kritik des Begriffs der Promiskuität]: Thurnwald provides a critical revision of the theory of 'primitive promiscuity.' He argues that historical reports of total promiscuity (e.g., from Herodotus or regarding Sparta) are often misunderstandings of specific customs like premarital freedom, ritual wife-exchange, or rationalized social theories rather than evidence of a lack of social order. [Prostitution und Gastliche Sexualbeziehungen]: This section analyzes the transition from reciprocal gift-giving to commercialized prostitution. It describes 'hospitality prostitution' and 'sexual unions' among the Chukchi and Eskimo, where wife-lending is a sanctioned social bond, and discusses the institutionalized forms of premarital sexual service in Micronesian 'youth houses' (kaldebekel). [Zeugungshelfer und Heilige Prostitution]: The final part of this chunk explores specialized sexual roles: 'procreation helpers' (Zeugungshelfer) in cases of infertility, the Hawaiian 'punalua' relationship, and the Russian 'snochacestwo'. It concludes with 'sacred prostitution' and the concept of ritual impurity (pež) among the Syryenians, where sexual acts are tied to mystical contagion and religious vows. [VI. Das Problem der Heiratsordnung: a) Die Heiratsordnungen]: Thurnwald refutes the romantic notion of 'natural' peoples living without sexual restraint, demonstrating that their societies are governed by complex marriage orders involving both negative prohibitions and positive prescriptions. He explores the origins of these systems in clan formation, the principle of reciprocity (Vergeltung), and the 'halving system' (dual organization), which often reflects ethnic or social stratification. The text highlights the biological impact of these orders on race formation through controlled inbreeding and discusses how social ranking eventually replaces older clan-based systems. [Naturvölker ohne Heiratsordnung und Bevorzugte Verwandtschaftsverbindungen]: An analysis of societies with minimal formal marriage restrictions (such as the Bushmen and Chukchi) contrasted with those favoring specific kinship ties. A significant portion is dedicated to 'gerontocratic' marriage patterns where old men marry much younger women (often 'classificatory granddaughters'), a practice linked to social power, the treatment of women as inheritable property, and beliefs in reincarnation. Thurnwald compares these patterns across Melanesia and Africa, suggesting they may arise from the historical conflict between patrilineal and matrilineal systems or external cultural migrations. [Die Vettern-Basen-Heirat und Verwandtschaftsbeschränkungen]: This section details various forms of cousin marriage, distinguishing between cross-cousin (Bölkem-Vettern) and ortho-cousin (Bruder-Kindern) unions. It examines the social and religious justifications for these preferences, such as the 'Tauvu' relationship in Fiji. The text also describes complex avoidance behaviors (Meidungen) between specific in-laws and relatives, and notes how the spread of Islam influenced the shift toward ortho-cousin marriage by redefining women as property and altering traditional concepts of incest. [Korrekturen des Systems und das Halbierungssystem]: Thurnwald discusses how rigid kinship systems are sometimes bypassed by powerful individuals or corrected through the 'halving system' (dual organization). He provides extensive ethnographic examples of tribal moieties (phratries) among the Marind-anim, Winnebago, and in New Mecklenburg, where the entire universe—including animals, plants, and social duties—is classified into two opposing but complementary halves. The section concludes with a historical-diffusionist theory suggesting the halving system may have roots in ancient Egypt and India, spreading through the Orient to Indonesia and Australia. [Exogamie: Typen der Abstammung und regionale Beispiele]: A technical examination of exogamy based on kinship calculations, specifically focusing on Radcliffe-Brown's Type I and Type II Australian systems. It also provides a detailed case study of the Thonga in South Africa, describing their four categories of marriage (forbidden, conditional, allowed, and recommended) and the 'dlaya-shilongo' ritual used to symbolically 'kill' blood relations to permit certain marriages. The text further explores how social stratification in Borneo (Kayan/Kenyah) and political structures in New Guinea (Mekeo) intersect with exogamous rules. [Übertretungen der Ordnung und Heiratsverbote]: This section addresses deviations from 'orthodox' marriage rules, noting how tribes like the Aranda handle irregular unions and how children's group affiliations are adjusted. It examines the influence of political hierarchy on marriage, where upper classes may practice endogamy or strict supervision of unions. A survey of specific marriage prohibitions follows, covering the Khonds of India, the Pima of Arizona, and the Chinese principle of forbidding marriage between people with the same surname. It also mentions historical instances of father-daughter and sibling marriage in Ancient Egypt. [b) Blutschande und c) Tobiaszeit]: The final part of the chunk explores the variable concept of 'incest' (Blutschande), which ranges from mandatory sibling marriage in certain royal castes to prohibitions against marrying distant relatives or even members of allied villages. Thurnwald argues that 'incest' is often a social rather than biological category ('Gesellschaftsschande'). The section concludes with the 'Tobiaszeit' (Tobias time), referring to periods of ritual sexual abstinence after marriage, which may be rooted in traditions of the groom serving the father-in-law or preparing for religious rites. [Kinship as the Basis for Social and Political Organization]: This section explores kinship as the foundational structure for friendly and political associations among primitive peoples. It discusses how small political units often rely on blood relations or simulated kinship (adoption, blood brotherhood) to maintain cohesion. Examples from the Bergdama of South West Africa illustrate the role of kinship in blood revenge and legal disputes, while references to the Weddas and Australian tribes highlight how kinship defines the boundary between the group and outsiders. [Kinship Groupings and Terminology]: Thurnwald examines the relationship between social structures (clans, lineages) and the linguistic terms used to describe relatives. He argues that kinship names serve as expressions of legal obligations and social duties. While language adapts to social needs, the author cautions against the 'social-historical' interpretation of Rivers, noting that kinship terms do not always perfectly reflect the current social organization due to linguistic plasticity and historical shifts. [The Problem of Classificatory Kinship Systems]: This segment defines 'classificatory' kinship systems, contrasting them with Western systems based on biological degrees of birth. In classificatory systems, individuals are grouped by generation and social role (e.g., all men of the father's generation in his clan are called 'father'). The author explains that these systems are built on political and social group membership rather than the nuclear family, and notes that even Indo-Germanic languages show traces of earlier classificatory logic. [Evolutionary Theories of Kinship: From Morgan to Modernity]: Thurnwald critiques the evolutionary theories of L. Morgan and J. F. MacLennan. Morgan used the Hawaiian kinship system (which groups many relatives under few terms) to hypothesize a primitive state of 'promiscuity' and 'group marriage.' Thurnwald presents modern critiques from scholars like Malinowski and Lowie, arguing that simple terminology does not equate to low development; rather, complex systems often arise from specific social needs, such as complicated marriage rules in Australia. [Social Rights, Duties, and Avoidance Taboos]: This section details how kinship dictates specific rights and duties, using the Weddas of Ceylon as a primary example. It describes the economic importance of the son-in-law, the role of the mother's brother, and strict avoidance taboos (Meidungen) between certain relatives, such as the mother-in-law and son-in-law. It also touches on how these rules change in stratified societies like Polynesia, where rank and property begin to overshadow kinship. [Matrilineal Kinship and the Trobriand Example]: Focusing on the Trobriand Islands, the text examines extreme matrilineal systems where biological fatherhood is dogmatically denied, yet the father remains a close friend. The author outlines the different types of social bonds (blood, marriage, in-laws) and their corresponding terminologies. The section concludes with Kroeber's eight criteria for analyzing kinship systems, emphasizing that these systems are sociologically and historically anchored rather than purely analytical. [Linguistic and Social Dynamics of Kinship Names]: Thurnwald discusses the linguistic nature of kinship names, placing them between proper names and pronouns. He explores how cultural contact leads to the adoption of foreign terms (e.g., 'Cousin' in German) and how social structural changes can leave 'residues' in the form of traditional joking relationships (Scherzbeziehungen). Kinship serves as the template for all social behavior, defining the permissible and the forbidden. [Cross-Cousin Marriage and Clan Organization]: This segment analyzes the 'cross-cousin' marriage (children of a brother and sister) and its role in building kinship systems and clan moieties. The author suggests that this practice often leads to the division of tribes into two halves (male and female principles), as seen in Australian and North American tribes. It also mentions variants like marriages between different age groups in gerontocratic societies. [Patriarchal Kinship and Marriage Forms]: The text contrasts matrilineal systems with the patriarchal-vaterrechtlich systems of pastoralist societies (e.g., Semites, Arabs, Dinka). In these societies, marriage often takes on an economic character (buying the woman and her offspring). The author discusses the preference for marrying the daughter of the paternal uncle or maternal uncle in various Indian castes and how patriarchal tendencies are reinforced by the accumulation of economic goods and the protection of women. [Incest and Endogamy in Archaic States]: Thurnwald examines the paradox between strict incest taboos (sibling avoidance) and the practice of marriage between close relatives. He provides historical examples of sibling and father-daughter marriages in Ancient Egypt, Persia, and among the aristocracy of various archaic states (Peru, Siam). He notes that in some contexts, like San Cristoval, unions with close relatives are not necessarily viewed as 'incest' in the Western sense, but rather as part of a different social logic. [Joking Relationships and Gender Conflict]: This section explores 'joking relationships' (Scherzbeziehungen), particularly between in-laws. Thurnwald traces their origin to the inherent tension between genders and the conventional resistance to marriage. Examples from Fiji and Australia describe ritualized 'wars' or mocking between men and women, which serve to negotiate social bonds and sexual licenses. The segment also covers the mocking of mourners in certain North American Indian ceremonies as a form of spiritual defense. [Artificial Kinship: Adoption and Child Exchange]: The author discusses adoption as a widespread practice among primitive peoples, often used to address childlessness or social needs. Adopted children are typically treated as biological equals. The section describes child exchange on the Admiralty Islands and 'sociological fatherhood' on the Trobriands. It also touches on 'fictive' kinship among adults (e.g., Hopi) and religious/economic motivations for adoption in ancient Persia and among the Dinka. [Milk Kinship and Blood Brotherhood]: This segment covers 'milk kinship' (Milchverwandtschaft) and 'blood brotherhood' (Verbrüderung). Milk kinship, common in Islamic and pastoralist cultures, creates a bond as strong as blood, often serving as a marriage impediment or a means of seeking asylum. Blood brotherhood is described as a fictive kinship established through rituals involving the exchange or consumption of blood, creating a lifelong bond of mutual aid and protection equivalent to siblinghood. [Rituals and Symbolism of Blood Brotherhood]: Thurnwald analyzes the magical and symbolic underpinnings of blood rituals. Blood is viewed as the seat of life or 'mana.' The section describes various methods of establishing brotherhood: drinking blood, mixing it with beer or food, or smearing it on weapons. It also explores how these rituals evolve into formal oaths and curses, often involving third parties (spirits, gods, or witnesses) to ensure fidelity. Detailed examples from the Kiziba (East Africa) illustrate the complexity of these ceremonies. [The Social Function and Decline of Artificial Brotherhood]: The final segment of this chunk discusses the social implications of artificial brotherhood, including its extension to marriage prohibitions (treating the 'brother's' family as kin). Thurnwald argues that these institutions provide security in societies lacking a central legal authority. He notes that as states become more complex and individualistic, these solemn, magically-bound brotherhoods decline, though they persisted in European feudalism as a basis for loyalty (fara). [IX. Das Mutterrecht: Erscheinungsformen und Bedeutung]: Thurnwald defines 'Mutterrecht' (mother-right) as a sociological system of matrilineal descent affecting the transfer of status, rank, and property. He distinguishes between biological descent and the social rules governing group membership, noting that matrilineal and patrilineal principles can coexist in different spheres of life. The section explores how mother-right influences kinship terminology, inheritance, sexual taboos, and the role of women in tribal life, while cautioning against the historical overestimation of 'matriarchy' as a universal stage of human development. He references key anthropologists like Malinowski, Bachofen, and Morgan to discuss the evolution and geographical distribution of these systems. [Theorien zur Entstehung und Verbreitung des Mutterrechts]: This segment critiques the older evolutionary hypothesis that mother-right universally preceded father-right. Thurnwald argues that matrilineal systems are often found in highly developed cultures (e.g., Micronesians, Pueblo Indians) rather than just 'primitive' ones. He posits that the origin of mother-right is closely linked to the gendered division of labor, specifically the transition from female gathering to horticulture (hoe cultivation), which increased the economic importance of women and their lineage. Conversely, he associates the rise of patriarchy and father-right with nomadic pastoralism and the economic valuation of women through the 'bride price' (Frauenkauf). [Historische und Geographische Beispiele des Mutterrechts]: A survey of matrilineal traces and systems across Europe, Asia, and the Americas. Thurnwald discusses the Basques, Picts, and Celts, as well as Germanic traditions mentioned by Tacitus regarding the authority of the maternal uncle. He analyzes Greek and Roman mythology (Rhea, Demeter, Cybele) as reflections of ancient matrilineal cults. The section also details the highly developed matrilineal structures of North American tribes like the Hurons, Pueblo, and Natchez, where women often held significant political and domestic power. [Fortpflanzungstheorien und Soziale Dynamik im Mutterrecht]: Thurnwald examines the ideological justifications for mother-right, specifically the denial of physiological fatherhood among the Trobriand Islanders (as documented by Malinowski) and the 'blood theory' of the Ashanti. Among the Ashanti, blood (mogya) is believed to be transmitted solely through women, determining clan membership and inheritance, while the father provides the spirit (ntoro). The segment details the specific rights and duties of the maternal uncle (wofa) and the social mechanisms that maintain the woman's connection to her natal clan even after marriage. [Das Verhältnis zwischen Mutterbruder und Schwestersohn (Avunkulat)]: A detailed look at the 'Avunculate'—the privileged relationship between a maternal uncle and his sister's children. Using the Thonga of South Africa and various New Guinea tribes (Kai, Bergdama) as examples, Thurnwald describes the social 'freedoms' a nephew enjoys with his uncle, including ritualized theft of food and property. He explores how inheritance is often split by gender (sons inheriting from fathers, daughters from mothers) or redirected to the sister's son. The section highlights the uncle's role in life-cycle rituals, such as the payment of bride prices and ancestral sacrifices. [Politische Macht und Rechtliche Stellung der Frau im Mutterrecht]: This section focuses on the political dimensions of matrilineal systems, particularly the role of the 'Queen Mother' (ohema) among the Ashanti. Thurnwald describes her veto power in the election of chiefs, her judicial authority over women, and her role as a counselor. He also examines the Loango of West Africa, where female royals held significant sexual and political freedom, and the Ba-Ila of Rhodesia, where clan membership (matrilineal) often overrides family loyalty (patrilineal) in cases of conflict. The segment illustrates how political succession often follows the maternal line even when men hold the executive office. [Religiöse und Rituelle Aspekte des Mutterrechts]: Thurnwald explores the intersection of matrilineal kinship and religious practice. Among the Thonga, sister's children play a vital role in sacrifices, acting as representatives of the ancestors. The section details the 'mystical connection' between maternal uncle and nephew in New Caledonia and the prevalence of origin myths featuring a 'Primal Mother' (e.g., the Cassowary mother in New Guinea). It also discusses the strict sexual taboos between brothers and sisters in matrilineal societies like the Trobriands, contrasting this with the relative sexual freedom of women in these cultures. [Der Übergang vom Mutterrecht zum Vaterrecht]: Thurnwald analyzes the factors leading to the erosion of mother-right in favor of patrilineal systems. Key drivers include the introduction of the bride price (lobola), which effectively 'purchases' the children for the father's lineage, and the rise of individual male-owned property. He uses the Wadschagga of East Africa to illustrate the 'turning point' where children are used as collateral for unpaid bride prices. The segment also notes the impact of European colonial influence in Melanesia, where inheritance patterns are shifting toward direct transmission from father to son, bypassing the maternal uncle. [Mutterrecht, Wirtschaft und Verwandtschaftssysteme (Sumatra, Nigeria, Sibirien)]: This segment examines matrilineal economic structures in Sumatra (Minangkabau) and Nigeria (Edo-speaking peoples), where land is often communal family property managed under female authority. It also discusses the Ainu of Siberia as a rare northern matrilineal example. Thurnwald then defines 'Sororate' (marriage to a wife's sisters) and its relation to 'Levirat' (marriage to a brother's widow), explaining how these practices influence kinship terminology—such as the merging of the terms for 'mother' and 'mother's sister'—and their roots in ancient group-marriage customs. [Die Couvade (Männerkindbett)]: Thurnwald provides an in-depth analysis of the 'Couvade' or 'male childbed,' a custom where the father observes ritual restrictions or mimics the mother's recovery after childbirth. He interprets this not as a mere curiosity, but as a form of 'imitative magic' (Vorbildzauber) intended to protect the child's soul, which is believed to be mystically linked to the father. Sociologically, he views the Couvade as a transitional phenomenon appearing when patriarchal influence begins to assert itself over matrilineal traditions, serving as a ritualized claim of paternity. Examples are drawn from the Caribbean, Amazonian Indians (Arawak, Carib), and Melanesian islands. [X. Das Vaterrecht: Erscheinungsformen und Abgrenzung]: Thurnwald distinguishes between 'Patriarchat' (patriarchy/rule) and 'Vaterrecht' (patrilineal law/descent), arguing they are not synonymous and can coexist with matrilineal elements. He examines how economic factors, such as hunting versus gardening, and political needs like defense or migration, influence the development of patrilineal institutions and inheritance patterns. [Das Vaterrecht bei Wildbeutern (Hunter-Gatherers)]: An analysis of patrilineal structures among hunter-gatherer societies, specifically focusing on North American tribes like the Miwok, Cahuilla, and Serrano. Thurnwald contrasts these with the matrilineal Pomo, suggesting that favorable environmental conditions and women's craft skills (like basket weaving) can elevate female status and lead to matrilineal systems even within similar geographic regions. [Das Vaterrecht bei Hirten und Feldbauern]: This section explores patrilineal systems among pastoralists and farmers, noting how they are often mixed with matrilineal 'injections' due to labor division or marriage customs. Detailed case studies include the Gilyaks, Ba-Ila, Baganda, and Bakitara, focusing on how property (herds, land, slaves) and titles are inherited, and the role of the clan in overseeing these transitions. [Individualisierung und Doppelte Berechnung (Ashanti Case Study)]: Thurnwald discusses the trend toward individualization of property among groups like the Lango and provides an extensive analysis of the Ashanti system. The Ashanti exhibit a dual system where spiritual/religious traits (ntoro) follow the paternal line, while material property and blood lineage (abusua) follow the maternal line, demonstrating the complexity of inheritance laws. [Vaterrecht, Heiratsordnung und Islam]: The text examines the relationship between patrilineal law and marriage patterns, particularly the spread of ortho-cousin marriage through Islamic influence. It discusses how the purchase of a wife (bride price) solidifies the father's position as patriarch and influences the inheritance of widows and children within the paternal kin group. [b) Das Patriarchat: Politische Führung und Familiengewalt]: Thurnwald analyzes the concept of patriarchy as distinct from patrilineal descent, focusing on the authority of the family head and political leader. He provides ethnographic examples from the Bergdama, Lunda, Arawak, and Herero to show how male dominance in political and familial spheres interacts with various economic and social systems, including those with matrilineal traditions. [Kindestötung und Zeremonielle Ordnung]: This segment explores the limits of paternal power, specifically regarding infanticide among the Chagga (Dschagga), where the practice is strictly governed by custom and omens rather than arbitrary will. It also discusses the role of ceremonial tradition in regulating family life among the Omaha and the psychological 'venting' of anger in Eskimo marital disputes. [Das Patriarchat in geschichteten Gesellschaften]: Thurnwald examines patriarchy within stratified societies, comparing the Bogo of Abyssinia, the Kiziba, and South American tribes with classical Roman and Greek law. He highlights how the Roman 'patria potestas' represents an extreme development of paternal power, whereas in many other cultures, the father's authority is mitigated by the wife's kin or community norms. [Bildtafeln: Festhallen in Neuguinea]: A descriptive section accompanying photographs (not rendered here) of ceremonial houses (Festhallen) and men's houses in New Guinea, specifically the Sepik (Augustastrom) region. It describes the architectural features, carvings of spirits and animals, and the ritual significance of these structures for youth initiation. [Wirtschaftliche Aspekte des Patriarchats und der Ehe]: This section analyzes how economic valuations, such as bride prices and labor contributions, shape family structures in West Africa (Togo, Yoruba) and East Africa (Chagga). It details the division of resources (like bananas and milk among the Chagga) and how inheritance of wives and property serves to keep wealth within the family unit. [Die Rechtsstellung in der Großfamilie und im Kaukasus]: A comparison of the legal standing of family members in Caucasian mountain tribes and classical antiquity. Thurnwald discusses the absolute power of the father in some Caucasian groups (e.g., Ossetians) regarding the life and death of children, comparing it to the Roman 'jus vitae ac necis' and contrasting it with the more limited Greek paternal authority. [c) Das Levirat: Formen und Funktionen]: Thurnwald defines and explores the 'Levirat' (brother-in-law marriage), where a man marries his deceased brother's widow. He traces its development from primitive societies (Australia, Thonga, Eskimo) through Jewish history and Indo-Germanic traditions, explaining its functions in securing inheritance, providing for widows, and maintaining the ancestral line. [Das Kind: Die Stellung des Kindes bei Naturvölkern]: This introductory section explores the general status of children in primitive societies, emphasizing their importance for the community's survival. It discusses the high infant mortality rates due to lack of hygiene, the early onset of independence and 'old-fashioned' behavior in children, and how traditional beliefs determine parental care and the perception of birth omens. [Frühe Selbständigkeit, Erziehung und Kinderheirat]: Thurnwald describes the early end of childhood in many cultures due to early food gathering and sexual activity. He explains that education often consists of imitation rather than formal instruction, culminating in initiation rites. The section also covers child marriage as a strategy for clan preservation and racial breeding within specific social orders. [Vorbedeutungen, Tabus und Geburtsriten]: A detailed look at the spiritual and superstitious environment surrounding children. It lists various food taboos (e.g., among the Kai of New Guinea), birth ceremonies among the Toda, and the high status of first-born sons among the Oromo. The text links the veneration of the first-born to the concept of 'Mana' and the significance of first appearances. [Zwillinge und Kindermord]: This section examines the varied cultural responses to twins and the practice of infanticide. In some West African cultures, twins are seen as sorcerers or omens of luck/misfortune. Infanticide is often triggered by 'abnormal' births (breech births, teeth at birth) or developmental delays, viewed as necessary to protect the clan from bad luck. Examples include the Ba-ila, Kipsiki, and Akikuyu. [Gründe für Kindermord und Kindersterblichkeit]: Thurnwald analyzes the motivations behind infanticide, ranging from the perceived 'unfitness' of disabled children among the Kai to population control on the resource-scarce Torres Strait Islands. He also discusses high infant mortality rates (up to 60% among the Kai) attributed to poor nutrition, such as feeding infants solid food too early. [Uneheliche Kinder und spirituelle Bindungen]: Covers the social status of illegitimate children and the belief in children's special connection to the spirit world. It mentions specific burial customs, such as the Salish practice of burying children away from old graves to ensure the mother's future fertility, and the absence of certain harvest ceremonies for deceased children among the Lango. [Bedeutung der Kinder für die Eltern und soziale Stellung]: Discusses how parenthood changes the social status of adults. For the Akikuyu, fatherhood is a prerequisite for entering higher age-grades. Among the Ossetians, a woman's status improves after bearing a male heir. The section also touches on the legal custody of children in patrilineal vs. matrilineal systems (e.g., Ba-ila and Arawak). [Schutzzeremonien und Namengebung]: Detailed descriptions of protective rituals for children among the Chukchi and Buryats. These include blood ceremonies, shamanic incantations to hide children from evil spirits (Chitkur), and 'substitution sacrifices' where a doll is buried to trick spirits into thinking the real child has died. [Aufnahme in die Sippe und Wiedergeburtsriten]: Focuses on ceremonies that integrate the child into the tribe or clan. It describes the 'embrace' ceremony of the Kai and the elaborate 'second birth' ritual of the Akikuyu, where a physical reenactment of birth (using sheep intestines as a symbolic umbilical cord) occurs. Adoption rituals among the Galla also involve symbolic rebirth. [Kinderspiele und Arbeit]: Explores how children spend their time, noting that 'obedience' is often absent in egalitarian societies. Children learn through imitation, playing games that mimic hunting, agriculture, or spiritual rituals. The section contrasts the lively games of the Lango with the quiet, fearful play of the Veddas and details the early onset of chores like herding and gathering. [Erziehungsmethoden und elterliche Gewalt]: Thurnwald examines the lack of formal discipline in many cultures, where children often 'tyrannize' parents or grow up with extreme freedom. He highlights the Kpelle's mild education through imitation and the Trobriand system where the maternal uncle holds more authority than the father. The section concludes that despite the lack of formal instruction, the results are often socially satisfactory. [Kindertausch und Kinderheirat]: The final section of the chunk discusses child exchange (Tungus, Buryats) and child marriage. Thurnwald argues that child marriage serves to secure partners early and maintain traditional kinship structures (like cross-cousin marriage among the Todas). It is viewed as a form of 'social breeding' or a precursor to formal marriage laws, ensuring clan stability. [XII. Der Altersablauf: Altersstufen und Altersgenossen]: Thurnwald examines the biological and social organization of age groups in various societies. He discusses the formalization of age stages among the Massai and Zulus, the detailed age-based terminology of the Andaman Islanders, and the military age-societies of the Hidatsa. He critiques Heinrich Schurtz's theory that age stages were always formally organized, arguing instead that formalization often arises later or through cultural contact rather than being a universal primitive necessity. [Mannbarkeit und Reifeweihen]: This section explores the rites of passage associated with puberty and maturity. Thurnwald interprets these ceremonies as a form of 'imitative magic' intended to protect the community during biological transitions. He details specific customs such as the hair-cutting rituals on Mangaia, the seclusion and feeding of girls among the Kpando in Togo, and the belief in the dangers of first sexual contact, which often leads to ritualized defloration by elders or priests. [Das Alter und die Altenherrschaft (Gerontokratie)]: Thurnwald analyzes the social and political power of the elderly in primitive societies. He describes how men aged 35-60 typically control tradition, legal disputes, and resources (such as 'taboo' foods). The text contrasts the democratic gerontocracy of Australian tribes like the Dieri and Aranda with the aristocratic and priestly elder-rule found in Polynesia. He also notes that while age is a primary factor for leadership, it is often complicated by other factors like kinship, wealth, and personal charisma. [Das Schicksal der Witwe und das Levirat]: A comprehensive look at the social status and treatment of widows across different cultures. Thurnwald discusses the economic and sexual claims made on widows by the deceased husband's kin, particularly the practice of Levirate (marriage to the husband's brother) in California and among the Maori. He details extreme mourning rituals involving self-mutilation and silence, and examines the origins of widow sacrifice (Sati) in India and East Africa (Bakitara), linking it to the status of sacred rulers and the fear of the deceased's envy. [B. Die Bünde: Einleitung und Männerbünde]: This section introduces the study of social 'unions' or 'leagues' (Bünde), distinguishing between general male associations and exclusive secret societies. Thurnwald critiques the theories of Schurtz and Webster regarding the origins of these groups. He highlights the military and police functions of North American Indian societies, the use of masks to represent spirits, and the religious significance of rituals like the sweat lodge and vision quests. He argues that these associations are central to the preservation and continuity of the community's social and magical life. [Jünglingsweihe: Psychologische und Soziologische Grundlagen]: Thurnwald examines the psychological and sociological foundations of youth initiation rites among various indigenous cultures. He argues that these ceremonies are often based on the concept of 'Nachhilfe' (assistance) to natural biological processes through imitative magic (Vorbildzauber) and serve to reinforce the authority of elders over the younger generation. He critiques purely psychoanalytic interpretations, insisting that these rituals must be understood within their specific social and environmental contexts, such as hunting or agricultural lifestyles. [Symbolik des Übergangs: Tod, Wiedergeburt und Statuswechsel]: This section explores the symbolic representation of initiation as a process of death and rebirth, often involving the motif of being swallowed by a monster. Thurnwald discusses how the transition to a new life stage is perceived as a change in personality and a potential latent danger to the community that must be managed through ritual. He also notes how the importance of youth initiation shifts in relation to marriage rites as social complexity and the role of the family increase. [Initiationsriten bei Wildbeutern: Weddas, Yukaghiren und Bergdama]: A detailed ethnographic survey of initiation practices among hunter-gatherer groups. It describes the 'Jägerschule' (hunter school) of the Bergdama, which involves ritual slaughter, the use of bitter herbs, and long-term comradeship among initiates. The text contrasts these elaborate rituals with the simpler customs of the Weddas and Yukaghiren, where manhood is often defined simply by the first successful hunt of large game. [Initiation und Nahrungstabus auf den Andamanen]: This segment describes the complex initiation process on the Andaman Islands, which is centered around food acquisition and the gradual lifting of dietary taboos. It details physical trials such as scarification (Schröffzeremonie), prolonged silence, and specific rituals involving turtle fat and honey, all designed to protect the individual from the perceived dangers inherent in different types of food. [Die Pairama-Zeremonie im Purari-Delta (Neuguinea)]: An in-depth look at the Pairama ceremony in New Guinea, centered on the cult of the 'Kaiemunu'—a wickerwork monster representing a thunder spirit. The initiation involves a six-month seclusion in the men's house, ritualized construction of new monsters, and the symbolic destruction of old ones. Thurnwald notes the historical connection between these rites and human sacrifice/cannibalism, now replaced by pig sacrifices. [Visionen und Fasten bei nordamerikanischen Indianern]: Focuses on the 'Vision Quest' among North American tribes (Iowa, Kansa, Ojibway, Pawnee). It describes the practice of ascetic fasting and isolation to obtain a guardian spirit (Schutzgeist) or supernatural power. The text details how these visions dictate a man's future role as a warrior or healer and how specific animals (buffalo, bear, snake) or natural forces (thunder) appear as spiritual guides. [Beschneidungsriten bei südafrikanischen Hirtenvölkern (Ama-Xosa)]: A comprehensive description of the circumcision rituals among the Ama-Xosa. It covers the selection of officials, the period of isolation in special huts, the operation itself, and the subsequent 'orgies' or social celebrations. The process concludes with a symbolic race, ritual washing, and the burning of all childhood possessions to signify the birth of a new man with adult responsibilities. [Initiation bei den Akikuyu und der Übergang zur Nationalangehörigkeit]: Describes initiation among the Akikuyu of East Africa, where the ritual marks the transition from being family property to having 'national' status within the tribe. The text details the economic aspects (payments in goats), the ceremonial dances, the physical operation for both boys and girls, and the subsequent three-month recovery period. It also refutes the theory that these intense puberty rites cause a sudden halt in intellectual development. [Kopfjägerei, Altersstufen und Geheimbünde]: The final section of the chunk discusses initiation in the context of headhunting (Borneo), age-grade systems (Ba-ila), and secret societies (Melanesia and West Africa). Thurnwald highlights how initiation creates lifelong bonds of comradeship and provides a mechanism for social control. He compares the hierarchical grade systems of the Melanesian Suque and African Poro societies with the age-based societies of North American Plains Indians. [Mädchenweihe: Initiation Rites for Girls]: This segment examines the initiation rites for girls (Mädchenweihe) across various cultures, contrasting them with male initiation. Thurnwald explores the magical and social motivations behind these rites, often viewed as a way to manage the 'dangerous' mystical power associated with female puberty or as preparation for marriage and sexual life. Detailed ethnographic examples are provided: the Californian Indians' use of isolation and food taboos; the elaborate 'flower name' and bathing rituals of the Andaman Islanders; the educational and physical 'vaccination' rituals of the Bergdama; and the combined initiation and wedding ceremonies of the Monumbo in New Guinea. The text also discusses the role of sexual choice among the Maori, the instructional 'Mädchenmeister' system of the Nanzela/Ila, and the extreme 'fattening hut' (Mästung) practices in West Africa as a prerequisite for marriage. [Geheime Gesellschaften: Wesen, Funktion und regionale Ausprägungen]: This section examines the nature and function of secret societies in various cultures, distinguishing them from general tribal political organizations. Thurnwald argues that secret societies often emerge during ethnic transitions or as precursors to social stratification, frequently declining with the rise of centralized kingship. The text provides detailed ethnographic accounts of secret societies in Australia, West Melanesia (e.g., Duk-Duk, Ingniet), the New Hebrides (Tamate and Suque), North America (Kuksu, Tobacco societies), West Africa (Poro, Sande, Leopard societies), and Indonesia (Kakehan). Key themes include the role of masks, the acquisition of 'Mana' through rank advancement, the exclusion of women, and the transition of these societies into religious or 'church-like' institutions. [Sippen- und Familienbauten, Bundeshäuser]: Thurnwald analyzes the evolution of human dwellings from primitive family shelters to complex communal and functional buildings. He describes the simple windbreaks of the Bushmen and Weddas, the family huts of the Australians and Fuegians, and the transition to more permanent structures among agriculturalists. Significant attention is given to specialized buildings: puberty houses, men's halls (Männerhäuser) used for rituals and political assembly, communal clan houses (Sippenhäuser), and the development of temples and royal residences in stratified societies. The section concludes by linking these physical structures to the economic foundations of the community, which are the subject of the subsequent volume. [Abkürzungen und Literatur-Verzeichnis]: A comprehensive alphabetical bibliography and list of abbreviations for the entire volume. It includes references to major ethnographic works and authors of the late 19th and early 20th centuries such as Boas, Malinowski, Rivers, Westermarck, and many others, covering global ethnographic data from Africa, the Americas, Asia, and Oceania. [Abkürzungsverzeichnis der Zeitschriften und Reihen]: A list of abbreviations for the academic journals, series, and institutions cited throughout the work, providing the full titles for shorthand codes like A.A. (American Anthropologist) or Z.E. (Zeitschrift für Ethnologie). [Register (Index)]: A detailed subject and ethnic group index for Volume 2. It lists keywords ranging from specific tribes (e.g., Akikuyu, Aranda, Thonga) to sociological concepts (e.g., Adoption, Avunkulat, Mutterrecht, Polygamie) with corresponding page or section references.