3,801 works, 471 books, 3,267 articles, 60 other works, 3 awaiting classification, 150 years of economic thought. Each one summarized and searchable, with cited passages inside.
Economy does not begin with hunger, appropriation, or consumption, this economic-anthropological treatise insists, but with foresight — the moment human groups anticipate future want and deliberately store, produce, and allocate. Schwiedland traces that emergence across horde, family, clan, and tribe, through hunting and totemism, hoe agriculture bound to mother-right, and patriarchal pastoral nomadism, drawing on Thurnwald and Wundt. He rejects the 'golden age' of natural simplicity as a fiction: the earliest human condition is insecurity and scarcity, without stores or provision. Language, tools, fire, and settled life become the structural levers of a new organized existence, while labor divides by sex and status and property layers common tribal land over personal possession. Exchange grows from raid, gift, and ceremonial reciprocity into barter and money — 'treasure' made mobile — yet its essence remains planned provision, not the market alone.
Der Tauschverkehr ist neben der Herstellung von Gütern die zweite große Quelle des Wohlstandes.
English translation: “Alongside the production of goods, exchange is the second great source of prosperity.”
What connects competing economic theories beyond their disagreements? In this brief English-language review, Eugen Peter Schwiedland presents Wolfgang Heller’s book as an attempt to link apparently isolated lines of theoretical inquiry. His clearest example is the shift from older price theory’s emphasis on supply to newer analysis of demand. Rather than judging the rival schools, Schwiedland highlights Heller’s attention to conceptual connections, including those between distribution, costs, and power. Readers find a compact account of Heller’s historical purpose, with a useful distinction: his own theoretical positions are developed in a separate Hungarian treatise, not expounded in this review.
Does money’s development depend chiefly on theories of value or on the institutions that organize payments? In this brief 1922 review of Richard Kerschagl’s book, Eugen Peter Schwiedland cautiously identifies an institutional thesis: clearing centres and government administration as a centre of payments help shape monetary development. His concise assessment distinguishes Kerschagl’s historical treatment of monetary theory from what remains to be explained—how a medium of exchange becomes legal tender. The review offers a compact glimpse of this shift in explanatory emphasis, while preserving the provisional character of Kerschagl’s account.
International financial control could become an obstacle to the development it was meant to oversee: this tension draws Schwiedland’s attention in his short review of E. J. Tsouderos’s account of Greece’s economy. He highlights Tsouderos’s case for adapting supervision to the demands of territorial expansion, while offering his own qualified optimism about Greek agriculture, shipping and trade. Unfinished railways give that qualification a concrete basis. Particularly revealing is Schwiedland’s endorsement of Tsouderos’s proposed Balkan economic arrangement: reduced tariffs and restored banking relations might prepare the ground for political understanding. The review offers a compact view of how this sympathetic reviewer connected Greece’s prospects with both domestic improvements and cooperation across borders.
Luxury and forced labour stand side by side in Eugen Peter Schwiedland’s brief review of Richard Thurnwald’s Psychologie des primitiven Menschen. Praising Thurnwald’s ethnological account, Schwiedland foregrounds two sources of economic change: desires that exceed material necessity and the power to make others work. Shells, beads, and stones acquire value through distinction or supernatural associations; slavery and tribute, in his account, expand production and differentiate occupations. The review offers a compact encounter with an approving interpretation of Thurnwald in which technical limits, symbolic value, and coercion all shape economic life—and in which the language of “progress” accommodates domination as well as invention.
Against theories that lodge value in labor, cost, or the object itself, this short monograph — later folded into Schwiedland's Volkswirtschaftslehre — grounds value in a subjective consciousness of dependence on useful and scarce goods. Utility, he argues, names an objective suitability, whereas value is the felt dependence of the economizing subject; hence his correction of both 'objective value' language and the Austrian preference for 'Grenznutzen.' Price, by contrast, is external, negotiated, social — an actual counter-performance received in exchange, one requiring not equal values but divergent valuations, so that barter enriches both sides. Translating usefulness and scarcity into supply and demand, Schwiedland tracks seller competition in abundance, buyer competition in shortage, hoarding, panic selling, cartels, and monetary policy, yet ends in methodological modesty: no single theory can capture every real price.
Wert ist ein Gefühl, Preis eine tatsächliche Gegenleistung: die Menge von Gütern, die man beim Austausch für andere empfängt.
English translation: “Value is a feeling, price an actual counter-performance: the quantity of goods one receives in exchange for others.”
The entrepreneurs capable of rebuilding industry may also acquire the power to bend national policy to private ends. This tension gives Eugen Peter Schwiedland’s 1923 review of Herbert von Beckerath’s book its focus. In presenting Beckerath’s account, Schwiedland explains why postwar shortages and mismatched resources favoured integrated industrial combines rather than cartels of separate firms. He then presses the question of leadership: can roughly two dozen powerful figures supply the judgement these vast organizations require, accommodate workers, and ease international antagonisms? His explicit insistence that economic problems are also ethical questions sharpens the review’s interest. Readers encounter an argument for entrepreneurial coordination whose confidence in practical competence stops short of confidence in the responsible exercise of power.
Can geography explain both the formation of nations and the growth of world wealth? In this brief 1923 review of O. D. von Engeln’s Inheriting the Earth, Eugen Peter Schwiedland finds stimulating material without being persuaded that it forms a unified account of economic development. He reports Engeln’s claim that shared surroundings, rather than race, language or religion, create nations, but reserves his strongest appreciation for the factual discussion of resources and exchange between temperate and tropical regions. The review’s interest lies in this selective judgement: Schwiedland questions the book’s coherence while welcoming the knowledge and prospects offered by its treatment of tropical cultivation, migration and settlement colonies.
Opposition to Marxism does not necessarily imply a defence of liberalism: this distinction frames Eugen Peter Schwiedland’s affirmative 1923 review of Mises’s Die Gemeinwirtschaft. Writing in English, Schwiedland places the book against German nationalist alternatives that reject liberalism alongside Marxism. He foregrounds Mises’s shift from the unequal distribution of wealth to the conditions of its production: could socialism increase output, and could it calculate rationally without market prices? His account also presents consumer choice, rather than control of the workplace, as the basis of economic self-determination. This short review offers a concrete instance of Mises’s early reception, showing which arguments a sympathetic contemporary selected and why he regarded a liberal defence of capitalism as a distinctive intervention.
What becomes of economic self-interest when prestige depends on giving valuables away? In this 1923 review of Malinowski’s Argonauts of the Western Pacific, Eugen Peter Schwiedland treats Kula exchange as a challenge to textbook accounts of early economic life. He emphasizes how custom, ceremony, and public recognition organize exchange without eliminating the desire for gain. His distinctive concern is what economists can learn from ethnographic observation: generosity and acquisitiveness need not be opposing explanations, and practical usefulness cannot alone account for value. The review offers a compact encounter between fieldwork and economic theory, while Schwiedland’s bourgeois-versus-Bolshevik comparison exposes the contemporary political categories he brings to Malinowski’s findings.
Protection against inflation appears here not as social relief but as a “curious monopoly” enjoyed by wage-earners and salaried employees. That reversal captures the standpoint of Eugen Peter Schwiedland’s 1923 review of Siegfried Strakosch’s book on Austria’s economic crisis. Strongly endorsing Strakosch’s practical and scientific authority, Schwiedland argues that socialist labour protections weakened production and burdened business. He also acknowledges the destructive effects of the peace settlement, new frontiers, trade barriers and currency instability. The interest of this short review lies in how these explanations are weighted: readers can see an economic indictment of labour policy taking shape around business uncertainty and middle-class losses, even while the reviewer describes pressures extending far beyond domestic legislation.
Shell valuables that must be passed on rather than kept pose a precise problem for economic explanation: what makes temporary possession desirable, and what binds a recipient to give in return? In this short 1923 review of Bronislaw Malinowski’s Argonauts of the Western Pacific, Eugen Peter Schwiedland approaches Kula exchange through social obligation, rank, and recognition. He emphasizes a distinction easily lost when every transfer is called trade: ceremonial gifts are not bargained over, yet their circulation stimulates canoe-building, voyages, and ordinary commerce. His comparisons with European jewels make prestige and attachment intelligible without equating them with practical usefulness. The review offers a compact examination of how custom governs reciprocity—and how giving wealth away can itself become a way of enjoying it.