The archive.

No economy is governed by interest alone: conduct is formed by moral sentiment, custom, and law, each carrying its own sanction, conscience, public opinion, state force, and its own historical rhythm. Drawing on Schaeffle, Wundt, Westermarck, and Schmoller, Schwiedland traces how inward feeling hardens into Sitte, the socially expected form of conduct, and how custom in turn sustains, softens, or defeats written law even after its repeal. The deeper ground of both is collective self-protection, which is why acts condemned as selfish between individuals may be praised when done for the state. Applied historically, the argument shows guild rules and price ordinances confining commerce until the eighteenth century, liberal freedom then loosening them, and the modern state re-entering through factory protection, wage regulation, and social insurance to subordinate economic voluntarism to the community's sense of the fair.

„Sitte ist stärker als Recht“.

English translation: “Custom is stronger than law.”

Georg von Mayr's renewed defense of a separate moral statistics provokes this sharp rebuttal on the boundaries of a science. Inama-Sternegg does not deny that suicide, divorce, illegitimacy, or prostitution can be studied statistically; he denies that moral categories may organize the discipline itself, forcing heterogeneous facts into a scheme fixed by prior valuation. Notions of the normal and the typical, he argues, obscure the structure of social masses, and the inner motives behind a crime or a suicide cannot be reconstructed as reliable mass data. In place of a moral-statistical chapter he proposes a social statistics of fundamental institutions — marriage and family above all — so that divorce or adultery keeps the legal and confessional context that alone makes its meaning intelligible.

Zunächst sind Symptome nur Hypothesen, nicht Tatsachen.

English translation: “To begin with, symptoms are only hypotheses, not facts.”

Interest on productive capital still lacked a settled explanation, and this 1908 study sets out to supply one. Working from subjective value theory in the lineage of Menger and Böhm-Bawerk, yet breaking with the latter's agio theory, Engländer traces it to a structure illustrated by a fisherman and his net: the economic efficiency (Wirtschaftlichkeit) of a produced means, the divergent valuations of its maker and its user under the division of labor, and the self-interest that lets each keep part of the surplus through bargaining. He rejects positive imputation as neither practiced nor needed, denies that competition and the 'cost law' abolish profit, and treats the price difference between means and product not as the cause but as the visible sign of capital's productivity.

Denn, um es nochmals zu betonen, jeder Tausch muß für den Tauschenden von Vorteil sein, seine wirtschaftliche Lage muß hierdurch nach seiner Ansicht gebessert werden, weil er sonst den Tausch mangels eines Motives nicht eingehen würde.

English translation: “For, to emphasize it once more, every exchange must be advantageous to the one exchanging; his economic situation must, in his view, be improved thereby, because otherwise, lacking a motive, he would not enter into the exchange.”

The value of bread must somehow reach back to the land, labor and tools that make it—yet deriving the values of productive goods from those of the consumption goods they yield is a knot that practice unties daily while theory struggles to. Schumpeter works at this imputation problem by reading Austrian value theory architectonically, premise by premise. He reconstructs Wieser's system of equations, which allocates a product's value among its factors and lets distribution flow directly from imputation, and shows it standing or falling with one assumption: that every unit of a stock is valued alike, so total value equals marginal utility times quantity. Against it he sets Böhm-Bawerk's principles of complementarity, loss and substitution, faulting the claim that a replaceable factor can never exceed its substitution value. The true task, he concludes, is to derive whole value-curves of productive goods, not single marginal shares.

Auch die Produktivgüter, auch Land, Kapital und Arbeit müssen um ihres Nutzens willen Wert empfangen, sofern sie nicht im Überflusse vorhanden sind.

English translation: “Productive goods too—land, capital, and labor as well—must receive value for the sake of their utility, insofar as they are not present in superabundance.”

Because poverty and market power can themselves coerce, no simple contrast between state compulsion and natural freedom will do — and economic policy, in this reworked fourth edition, becomes the conscious intervention of organized communities in an economy always 'in constant flux.' The agrarian book judges farm size economically rather than ideologically, defending Anerbenrecht, Rentengüter, and inner colonization as adaptive instruments rather than fixed property models, while conceding that peasant emancipation stripped rural households of older securities. The industrial book follows the passage from guild regulation through Gewerbefreiheit to factory, cartel, and organized labor, insisting that formal contractual liberty no longer describes the real bond between employer and worker. Philippovich rejects both laissez-faire individualism and absolute statism: policy is justified precisely where it makes freedom institutionally real, welfare-oriented yet centered on productive capacity.

Der freie Arbeitsvertrag ist eine Fiktion.

English translation: “The free labor contract is a fiction.”

Society shapes what people desire, but it is not itself a wanting organism—so social value, Schumpeter argues, has no natural meaning in a competitive economy. Only a community that consciously acts as one, as under communism, could possess social utility curves and social marginal utilities. His real target is the optimistic distributive doctrine of Clark, Wieser and Carver, which holds that competition pays each factor what its service is worth to the community. Competitive prices, he counters, rest on individual valuations, ownership, bargaining position, and above all the given distribution of wealth; they cannot be read as the disguised verdict of an organized society. To fix values is not yet to fix prices, he insists, and social value survives only as a scientific fiction outside the communistic case.

For only individuals can feel wants.

Across six lectures delivered in Berlin and Vienna in 1909, Philippovich reads nineteenth-century economic politics as a conflict of social ideals rather than a mere succession of party interests: economic demands become intelligible only when traced to rival conceptions of state, society, and personality. He follows the century's dominant idea — the freedom of individuals in pursuit of their economic interests — through the emancipation of land, Gewerbefreiheit, and Freihandel, then shows how it bred capitalism and an 'actual' compulsion for the propertyless. Against it he ranges the counter-movements: conservative organic theory from Adam Müller to Stahl, Marxian socialism, Sozialpolitik as mediation, and agrarianism under world-market pressure. The closing lecture reads modern policy not as surviving laissez-faire but as its fusion with the organic view of society — a regulated freedom charged with fitting capitalism's powers into a durable order.

Die vollkommene Entwicklung der Persönlichkeit!

English translation: “The complete development of the personality!”

A single word forced to carry two different relations—capital as a private source of income, and capital as a social means of production—is the confusion this article sets out to dissolve. Böhm-Bawerk separates Erwerbskapital from Produktivkapital, traces the term from the principal of a loan to stocks of productive goods, and distinguishes fixed from circulating capital by their mode of service. Its theoretical heart is a refusal: capital is no original productive force beside nature and labor, but produced means that pay off through roundabout methods requiring time and saving. Capital goods are unfinished consumption goods, created rather than creative. Capitalism itself he defines as a contingent legal order of ownership rather than an economic necessity, one that any alternative would still have to match in directing production and organizing saving.

Das Kapital ist keine originäre, selbständige Produktivkraft.

English translation: “Capital is not an original, independent productive force.”

Paris was said to offer little to the social sciences; Feilbogen replies by mapping a landscape crowded with rival schools. He tracks liberal individualism across three generations—Passy, Molinari, Levasseur, and then the systematic Leroy-Beaulieu—and the socialism that Guesde and Lafargue imported from German Marxism before it fractured into reformism and revolutionary syndicalism. Georges Sorel draws the sharpest scrutiny as the theorist of violence and the general strike, whose cult of myth the author judges barbarizing and historically naive. Between the extremes stand the mediating currents—academic economics, the Le Play school, Catholic social thought, Durkheim's sociology, and above all Léon Bourgeois's solidarism, which grounds each individual's debt to society in a quasi-contract while preserving liberty and property.

Ein Mythos ist ein Volksmotiv. Er braucht nicht klar, er braucht nicht wahr zu sein, wenn er nur begeistert.

English translation: “A myth is a popular motive force. It need not be clear, it need not be true, so long as it inspires.”

Adolescence is neither childhood nor adulthood but a vulnerable passage, bodily growth, sexual maturation, emotional volatility, unfinished judgment, and industrial society, Schwiedland argues, throws working-class youth into adult labour, lodging-house life, drink, and disease before they can withstand them. He reads juvenile mortality, delinquency, and institutionalization as effects of environment rather than innate depravity, and faults courts and prisons for deepening the damage they claim to correct. Against this he sets a coordinated Jugenddienst: vocational guidance matched to health and aptitude rather than mere vacancies, placement offices, youth homes serving as substitute family, medical supervision, thrift schemes, and legal protection. The Jugendhort must feel like a large family, not a school or barracks. Care for the earning young, he closes, matters more than relief for those already broken, because the future lies with them.

Was in erster Linie benötigt wird, ist also ein Nachweis nicht der Stellen, sondern der richtigen Berufe.

English translation: “What is needed first and foremost, then, is a placement not of positions, but of the right occupations.”

Cannons, soldiers, and offices are only instruments; what makes them obeyed is habit, loyalty, prestige, and belief. Across six Salzburg lectures, Wieser corrects both liberal and revolutionary thought by refusing to treat power as the mere enemy of right: social life depends on organized powers—monarchy, army, church, press, capital, labor, public opinion—and the real evil is Übermacht, the point where necessary leadership hardens into oppression. Beginning from Lassalle's claim that constitutions rest on actual force, he deepens it into a sociology of inner power, of leadership and following, of the law of the small number. Law emerges not as power's negation but its ordering, and freedom, against Manchester individualism, becomes a means to the general welfare rather than an absolute principle.

Zur vollen Macht gehört das Recht, zum vollen Recht gehört die Macht.

English translation: “To full power belongs right; to full right belongs power.”

A national economy, on this account, is no mere sum of households but an organism of interdependent economic units bound by territory, law, and language. Conceived as a study aid for German-speaking universities, this compendium moves from the anatomy of needs and goods through a long historical survey, Greek and Roman antiquity, mercantilism, physiocracy, Adam Smith and the classical school, socialism from Owen to Marx, and the cooperative movement, before building its theoretical core on subjective value and marginal utility (Grenznutzen). Schullern-Schrattenhofen follows Menger in deriving money from the needs of exchange rather than from legislation, defends metallic currency against token theories, treats price as the meeting of subjective valuations, and closes on credit. Objective in method, yet frank about its own commitments.

Aus dem Gesagten dürfte sich wohl ergeben haben, daß jede von den aufgezählten Besitzkategorien ihre bestimmte Aufgabe zu erfüllen, daß aber die wichtigsten die den mittleren Gruppen angehörenden sind.

English translation: “From what has been said, it should be evident that each of the enumerated categories of property has its particular task to fulfill, but that the most important are those belonging to the middle groups.”