1,549 works, 150 years of economic thought. Each one summarized and searchable, with cited passages inside.
Divide economic life into two orders of fact, the repeated equilibrium of statics and the innovation of dynamics, and the central phenomena of capitalism fall into place. Reading Schumpeter's early system, Amonn shows that a purely static economy, where production and exchange merely reproduce themselves, forecloses every specifically capitalist income, interest, capital, and credit alike, since under full competition prices reduce to wages and rent. Everything else requires the entrepreneur, who breaks the routine by introducing a new combination and buys inputs at old prices while the transformed product commands a higher valuation. Profit is that temporary gap; interest is a share split from it; and crisis erupts when too many uncoordinated innovations obstruct one another's readjustment, collapsing the whole value-and-price system.
Gewinne können in der statischen Wirtschaft nicht entstehen.
English translation: “Profits cannot arise in a static economy.”
Domestic crisis symptoms and tighter credit surfaced across Austria-Hungary before either the world slump or the Balkan War could account for them. Taking Böhm-Bawerk's diagnosis of the passive trade balance as his starting point—the monarchy consumes too much and produces too little—Mises turns to the internal causes: a swollen public administration and loss-making state railways, backward tariff-protected agriculture, hostility to large-scale enterprise, and above all the Borgsystem of long goods-credit chains binding consumers, retailers, wholesalers, and producers into uncollectible receivables. He reads the insolvencies of 1912-13 as the overdue liquidation of that credit structure rather than its cause, and holds that only the radical removal of policy-made obstacles to production, together with expanded exports, can right the monarchy's balance of payments.
Die großen öffentlichen Unternehmungen sind der wundeste Punkt des öffentlichen Haushaltes in Österreich.
English translation: “The great public enterprises are the sorest point of the public finances in Austria.”
Delivered to the Lower Austrian Trade Association in February 1914, this lecture reports back from the fourteenth session of the International Statistical Institute, whose forty-nine printed reports Meyer sifts for what economic statistics had achieved. He dwells on the hardest problems of comparability: rival methods for estimating national income and national wealth, weighed through Kiaer's tax-list approach and Fellner's contested Austro-Hungarian valuations; Neymarck's running census of the world's negotiable securities; the semiology of index numbers and whether diverse indicators may be fused into one; and the vexed measurement of unemployment. Throughout, Meyer treats the Institute not as a popular congress but as a cooperative body harmonizing national data for the use of governments, and he insists that technical care in statistics serves the larger understanding of economic regularity.
La paix du monde, paix internationale entre les peuples et les gouvernements, la paix intérieure entre les hommes s'imposent pour maintenir l'échafaudage actuel de papiers de crédit et d'affaires qui existe.
English translation: “World peace—international peace between peoples and governments, and internal peace among men—is indispensable to maintain the existing scaffolding of credit paper and business affairs.”
Economics became a science, on Schumpeter's telling, only when it moved beyond isolated practical disputes to grasp the national economy as an interconnected circular flow, the breakthrough he credits to Quesnay and the tableau economique. This survey, written for the 1914 Grundriss der Sozialoekonomik, traces the discipline from two roots, a philosophical natural-law tradition and a practical-policy literature, through physiocracy and the classical system of Smith, Ricardo, and Mill, into the Methodenstreit between Menger's defense of theory and Schmoller's historical school, and finally to the marginal utility revolution of Menger, Jevons, and Walras. He judges every school by whether it obstructs or enriches analysis, and argues that beneath the noisy polemics of method lies an organic continuity, one hundred fifty years of cumulative work whose unity later observers will more easily perceive.
Wirklich bedeutende Gegensätze gibt es innerhalb dieser Preistheorie nicht mehr.
English translation: “Within this theory of price there are no longer any really significant oppositions.”
To pry loose the American loans the Central Powers desperately needed, Schwarzwald proposes an unlikely lever: silver. His confidential memorandum, printed in Vienna two months into the war, tells the statesmen of Berlin and Vienna that Britain's command of the sea lanes and of finance gives the Entente a durable edge, and that only organized interest, not appeals to neutrality, will move the United States. A permanent pledge of free silver coinage would enrich American mining and banking groups while loosening London's grip. The coins, marked by metric weight, would circulate beside the untouched gold mark and crown at market value, a parallel currency he sharply severs from the discredited fixed ratios of bimetallism and defends, with precedents from Hamburg to China, as older and more honest money.
Das Mittel dazu ist die dauernde Freigabe unbeschränkten monetären Gebrauchs des Silbers.
English translation: “The means to that end is the permanent authorization of the unrestricted monetary use of silver.”
Refusing to argue for or against the vote, this 1914 newspaper article reframes women's suffrage as the political symptom of a deep economic change. Institutions, Schumpeter contends, adapt belatedly to material conditions: marriage keeps its name while its content is transformed, and the family, far from being the primordial cell of society, emerged only when settlement made the household an economic unit. His sharpest move is to explain the women's movement as a kind of structural unemployment within domestic life, since modern industry and trade have stripped middle-class women of the productive household functions that once gave their labor economic substance. Suffrage, on this reading, is neither whim nor benevolent gift but an unavoidable step, arriving because the order that excluded women from political citizenship has already been undone by economic reorganization.
But all these women who have not to go out to work now offer the most tragic case of unemployment ever witnessed, with all its effects on happiness and character.
Unemployment, on the eve of the First World War, was still widely read as pauperism or personal failing; this 1914 lecture — the first pamphlet of the Austrian Association for Combating Unemployment — insists instead that it is a socially produced market risk, unverschuldet, obliging the community to both prevention and relief. Schwiedland weighs three existing models: the Belgian or Ghent system of subsidised union funds, which he judges a mere surrogate reaching only the better-situated skilled worker; the Scandinavian public funds open to the unorganised; and the English compulsory insurance of 1911. For Austria he proposes a fourth, municipal path outside poor relief, aiding organised and unorganised alike. His deepest claim is institutional: reliable relief is impossible without a public labour-market infrastructure to test willingness to work and measure involuntary idleness.
Arbeitsnachweis ist die erste Form der Arbeitslosenfürsorge.
English translation: “Labor exchanges are the first form of unemployment relief.”
Money and credit, in Schlesinger's 1914 treatise, are not external additions to a 'real' theory of exchange but endogenous parts of a single system of mutually determined prices, quantities, interest rates, cash balances, and bank reserves. Building on Walrasian general equilibrium, Austrian marginal and capital theory, and Schumpeter's distinction of statics from dynamics, he moves from a barter benchmark through entrepreneurial profit and risk to a sophisticated quantity theory in which the demand for cash is shaped by payment habits, clearing, and velocity. Deposit banks both mediate and create purchasing power, bounded by reserves and confidence, which renders financial crises intelligible as tensions between credit expansion and the cash base that must ultimately settle it. The appendices press the claim of formal determinacy by counting equations against unknowns.
Eine wesentliche Folge dessen, daß die Wirklichkeit mit dieser Voraussetzung nicht übereinstimmt, ist das Geld.
English translation: “An essential consequence of the fact that reality does not conform to this assumption is money.”
Reverse the lecture's title, Landesberger begins, the national economy and the war, not the war and the national economy, and the 1914 catastrophe appears less as military politics than as the collision of an economy with the forces bent on halting it. Britain, he argues, entered not over Belgian neutrality but because Germany's industrial ascent threatened its world position: German firms served customers better, the 'made in Germany' origin law backfired into a mark of quality, and bank-financed science outpaced English routine in chemicals, machinery, and munitions. Turning to the financial shock, he weighs moratoria, Darlehenskassen, and Reichsbank note issue, the closure of the exchanges, the blockade's threat to the food supply, and the war loans on which monetary normalization depends. Whatever windfalls war brings a lucky few, for the national economy as a whole it is no boom.
Die Kerze wird von zwei Seiten angezündet.
English translation: “The candle is being lit from both ends.”
Written in the first year of the war as the opening fascicle of the series Flugschriften für Österreich-Ungarns Erwachen, this pamphlet reads military catastrophe as national awakening. War destroys external goods, Wieser argues, but discloses inward powers—discipline, sacrifice, political consciousness—and Austria-Hungary's endurance proves the monarchy still possesses a living historical vocation. Refusing to blame the war on any single diplomat or dynasty, he explains its origins through the law of the small number and the law of historical paths, reading Russia's drive toward Constantinople, England's naval empire and manufactured opinion, French revanche, and Italian betrayal as cases where organized minorities steered vast populations. The closing lesson turns from power to justice: wartime hatred is manufactured, and the multinational monarchy might yet become a school of national accommodation.
Wir müssen stark sein und gerecht. Das Recht, das den Schwachen stark macht, macht den Starken stärker.
English translation: “We must be strong and just. The right that makes the weak strong makes the strong stronger.”
Solidarity begins as a term of Roman law—liability in solidum, where co-debtors are bound one for all and all for one—and Feilbogen follows its migration through Say, Bastiat, Spencer, and Comte into the social philosophy of Léon Bourgeois. Written for Wilhelm Jerusalem's sixtieth-birthday Festschrift, this essay reconstructs Bourgeois's attempt to found moral obligation without religious sanction: the advantaged individual owes a social debt for the language, tools, and inherited civilization he receives, an obligation recast not as Rousseau's literal contract but as a quasi-contract among co-heirs. Feilbogen stages the French Academy's rebuttal—d'Eichthal, Leroy-Beaulieu, Tarde, Boutroux—that the debt is legally indeterminate and might license the plundering of the capable, then replies by bounding the claim to genuine helplessness and surplus capacity.
Der individualistische Sozialist und der sozialistische Individualist fühlen, daß nur noch eine Wand »dünn wie Papier« sie trennt.
English translation: “The individualist socialist and the socialist individualist feel that only a wall "thin as paper" still separates them.”
Written in the Mitteleuropa moment of 1915, this pamphlet contends that a German–Austro-Hungarian economic and customs union is no patriotic fantasy but a practicable project blocked repeatedly by politics rather than economics. Philippovich reconstructs Austrian trade policy from Maria Theresa's prohibitions through Bruck's staged Zollverein plans of the 1850s, reading their failure against Prussia as a lost opening rather than proof of impossibility. War, he argues, has dissolved the most-favored-nation constraints of the Frankfurt treaty and restored each state's freedom of action. His central move separates a large common economic space from the immediate abolition of internal protection: Austrian industry, weaker in capital and freight, needs transitional duties, a common external tariff, and harmonized commercial law. Scale is his governing category — a Central European area from the Adriatic to the North Sea, resilient against British-led isolation.
Nationale wirtschaftliche Autarkie wurde das Schlagwort.
English translation: “National economic autarky became the watchword.”