The archive.

John Bates Clark had claimed that wages, interest, and rent alike could be settled by a single marginal-productivity principle, the product neatly exhausted by its factors. Strigl’s compact intervention in Austrian distribution theory dismantles that equation as an unproven technical hypothesis rather than a law of value, then rebuilds interest on other ground. Reserving marginal-productivity pricing for the “primary” factors of labor and land, and following Böhm-Bawerk in treating capital as the wage-and-rent fund that finances time-consuming roundabout production, he shows that once workers and landowners are paid what added units would yield elsewhere, a surplus must remain. Competition cannot erase it where it appears in every capitalist enterprise; it becomes a residual rent attributable to the fund that makes waiting possible — and this residual, Strigl argues, is capital interest itself.

Trotzdem bleibt die statische Kapitalzinstheorie von grundlegender Bedeutung, da ihr Gesetz den Ruhepunkt definiert, dem auch die dynamische Wirtschaft jederzeit zustrebt, wobei nur immer neue Störungen die völlige Ausgleichung hindern.

English translation: “Nevertheless the static theory of capital interest remains of fundamental significance, since its law defines the resting point toward which the dynamic economy at all times strives, while only ever-new disturbances prevent complete equalization.”

Two conceptions of money contend across this history of monetary theory: individualism, which treats money as an autarkic commodity carrying intrinsic value, and universalism, which sees it arising from the social division of labour and functioning only within an organic economic whole. Kerschagl reads Ricardo, Adam Müller, Knapp, Wieser, Gesell and Bendixen through this lens—faulting Ricardo's quantity theory for abstracting from income and property, crediting Müller as the first consistent universalist, and praising Wieser's account of the economy as a Zahlungsgemeinschaft, a payment community. Along the way he weighs Gesell's demurrage scheme, under which money would lose roughly five percent a year to discourage hoarding. The decline of absolute value theory, he concludes, leaves the socially embedded, universalist view of money the more plausible.

Das gänzlich unabhängige Geld mit Eigenwert erscheint dem Individualismus als das Ideal.

English translation: “Wholly independent money possessing intrinsic value appears to individualism as the ideal.”

Interest, this volume of fourteen excursuses maintains, springs from the value superiority of present over future goods — and one root of that superiority is the greater productivity of well-chosen roundabout production, though mere delay is never productive and capital scarcity forbids adopting every longer method already known. Appended to the Positive Theory of Capital to answer a decade of critics, it shows Böhm-Bawerk at his most combative and exact: he defends the average production period against Fisher, Lexis, and Fetter, refines imputation against Wieser, subordinates cost to the value of ends, and wages his central battle over the "third ground" of interest with Fisher and Bortkiewicz, insisting that equations may display mutual determination yet cannot by themselves fix causal direction. It is Austrian capital theory restated as a causal account rooted in scarcity, time, and subjective imputation.

Aber hiemit fängt der Prozeß des Wertvorzugs gegenwärtiger Produktionsmittel über künftige nicht an, sondern damit hört er auf.

English translation: “But it is not with this that the process by which present means of production are preferred in value to future ones begins; rather, it is with this that it ends.”

Beneath the technical squabble over whether to borrow in crowns or in foreign currencies lies a single cause, and this 1921 policy essay drives straight to it: the krone stands low because of the enormous state deficit, not merely because of banknote issue. Further taxation cannot close the gap, since productive incomes are already heavily burdened and the slogan of taxing the propertied can scarcely be taken seriously. A forced or voluntary foreign-currency loan is dismissed as self-defeating, for it would strike the visible reserves businessmen hold for legitimate purposes while concealed hoards withdraw further from sight. Credit, Schumpeter insists, presupposes restored confidence rather than creating it. His conditional preference is therefore a large domestic crown loan, less destructive than the alternative and capable of automatically depressing foreign-exchange rates by absorbing crowns.

Unsere Krone steht tief infolge des ungeheuren staatlichen Defizits.

English translation: “Our krone stands low as a consequence of the enormous state deficit.”

The ministers' journey to London had not delivered the interim loan the public hoped for, yet it set the stone rolling, and that, this 1921 newspaper piece argues, was its real service. Large Entente credits will not come while Austria's policy suppresses its own production, above all in agriculture, which state interference treats as if the aim were to reduce it to a minimum. Credit here is a judgment on institutions: foreign lenders need assurance of effective savings and a genuine liberation of economic forces before they finance a country's habits. Schumpeter separates transitional state credits from the industrial capital that matters more, and that can only return through ordinary profitable transactions, not patriotic urgency. Reversing the fear of Ueberfremdung, he warns that a state cannot prosper while making capital feel unwelcome.

Es ist umsonst, die Welt einfach zwingen zu wollen, sich für uns zu interessieren, das Interesse kann nicht anders erwachen, als daß einzelne spekulativ angelegte Leute einzelne Transaktionen mit Erfolg durchführen.

English translation: “It is useless simply to try to force the world to take an interest in us; interest cannot be aroused otherwise than by individual, speculatively minded persons carrying out individual transactions with success.”

Postwar Vienna offered the starkest specimen of a disorder that ran across all of Europe: a fiscal and monetary breakdown so complete that buyers, sellers, credit, and prices could no longer meet in stable markets. Taxation that made ordinary transactions impossible, fear of the currency, blocked trade, and the flight of capital into speculation and hoarding define the crisis more than poverty itself. Schumpeter resists the easy culprits: neither labor militancy, nor socialism, nor capitalism's alleged exhaustion, nor currency depreciation alone explains it. Even inflation, he argues, might in another setting have financed the passage from war production to peace. Recovery cannot come from a monetary decree or the suppression of symptoms; it demands renewed confidence, usable credit, and the concrete entrepreneurial decisions that restore regular exchange.

Unsere Politik vertreibt das Kapital aus den Banken, macht die produktive Anlage immer schwerer und verurteilt es eben, so lange es geht, zum Schiebergeschäft und sowie das nicht mehr geht, zur Untätigkeit, respektive zum Spiel oder zur Konsumtion.

English translation: “Our policy drives capital out of the banks, makes productive investment ever more difficult, and condemns it, as long as this remains possible, to profiteering, and once that is no longer possible, to idleness, or to gambling, or to consumption.”

Economy does not begin with hunger, appropriation, or consumption, this economic-anthropological treatise insists, but with foresight — the moment human groups anticipate future want and deliberately store, produce, and allocate. Schwiedland traces that emergence across horde, family, clan, and tribe, through hunting and totemism, hoe agriculture bound to mother-right, and patriarchal pastoral nomadism, drawing on Thurnwald and Wundt. He rejects the 'golden age' of natural simplicity as a fiction: the earliest human condition is insecurity and scarcity, without stores or provision. Language, tools, fire, and settled life become the structural levers of a new organized existence, while labor divides by sex and status and property layers common tribal land over personal possession. Exchange grows from raid, gift, and ceremonial reciprocity into barter and money — 'treasure' made mobile — yet its essence remains planned provision, not the market alone.

Der Tauschverkehr ist neben der Herstellung von Gütern die zweite große Quelle des Wohlstandes.

English translation: “Alongside the production of goods, exchange is the second great source of prosperity.”

"You cannot eat your cake and keep it too" - the English proverb frames Schumpeter's cool assessment of Austria's credit plan and its League of Nations supervision. Foreign oversight may be humiliating, he concedes, but Austria humiliated itself; control is the consequence of an inability to stabilize alone, not an external injustice. His central move shifts the argument from honor to sequence. Domestic consolidation would demand restoring the budget first, then creditworthiness, then the currency and a note-issuing bank - a very painful path. Foreign credit reverses that order, letting stabilization begin with the currency rather than end with it, provided the krone is merely stabilized and never raised. Even so, an industrial crisis is unavoidable, and the slightest fiscal error could yield a catastrophe worse than the present.

Ein Geschenk wird uns sicher nicht gemacht.

English translation: “We are certainly not being given a gift.”

The scandal, for a scientific mind, is moral philosophy: dozens of competing systems, nearly identical practical conclusions, demonstrations built on undefined terms. Rueff's remedy, in this 1922 essay prefaced by Clément Colson, is to deny any real division among the sciences. Geometry, mechanics, physics, morality, and political economy share one structure — empirical laws drawn from experience, then "causes" constructed through axioms and definitions so that deduction can recover those laws; building a science is thus a création des causes. Moral doctrines become géométries morales, and utilitarianism, interventionism, and Marxian socialism appear as non-Euclidean systems, logically coherent yet untrue to present social conditions. Drawing on Walras but recasting need and utility as created causes rather than psychological measurements, Rueff sketches a statistical mathematical economics: no more a political economy of the individual than a thermodynamics of the molecule.

Dire qu'une théorie morale est vraie, c'est une affirmation qui n'a aucun sens.

English translation: “To say that a moral theory is true is an assertion that has no meaning whatever.”

Cashless payment is far older than the banknote: Roman argentarii kept transfer accounts, and Greek Egypt ran giro offices and even a grain giro linking natural, money and credit economies. Commissioned for the fiftieth anniversary of the Wiener Giro- und Cassen-Verein, this historical study traces book-money from antiquity through the medieval exchange fairs of Lyon and Besançon, the Hamburg Girobank and its Mark Banco, English goldsmith notes, the London Clearing House, and Austria-Hungary's own Saldierungsverein. Kerschagl argues throughout that clearing lets an economy function on the smallest possible stock of cash, and closes by criticising Austria's postwar fiscal measures—the Bankenumsatzsteuer among them—for favouring cash over the book transfer just when a credit economy most needed the opposite encouragement.

Von welcher Bedeutung das Clearing für die Geldschöpfung und die Möglichkeit der Erhaltung einer möglichst geringen Geldmenge ist, zeigen am besten wohl die Umsätze des Clearinghouse, die im Jahre 1920 in London allein mehr als 32 Milliarden Pfund betrugen.

English translation: “How significant clearing is for the creation of money and for the possibility of maintaining as small a money supply as possible is perhaps best shown by the turnover of the Clearing House, which in 1920 amounted to more than 32 billion pounds in London alone.”

Confidence, not accounting, is the true stake of Austria's 1922 fiscal crisis - a credible currency and a state able to impose sacrifice rather than merely distribute losses. Schumpeter credits two successes: the crown pulled back from collapse in everyday exchange, and Social Democratic pressure winning the index law, housing controls, and relief from income tax. Yet the original deflationary program - a new note bank, cost-covering state prices, indirect taxes, and an internal loan on compulsory security - has been perverted by compromise, its saving measures abandoned and its mortgage device turned into an assault on mobile capital. A forced loan strictly enforced would break firms and employment; financed by state advances, it would reproduce inflation. Vienna can stay a financial center only if owners trust property will not be trapped by emergency improvisation, yet bourgeois parties meet pressure with indignation instead of leadership.

Das könnten wir nun doch endlich einmal gelernt haben, daß das mobile Kapital herangelockt werden muß und daß es niemals herangezwungen werden kann.

English translation: “Surely we could by now finally have learned that mobile capital must be attracted and that it can never be coerced.”

Not the sheer surfeit of money, but the unequal income shifts it sets loose, does the deepest damage in an inflation—so runs the argument of this diagnosis of the postwar currency crisis. Kerschagl frames three problems: the changing value of money, the expansion and contraction of the money economy, and the practical resistance to inflation. He separates a currency's internal value, its domestic purchasing power, from its external value in exchange rates, tracing depreciation to state debt monetised into banknotes, collapsing confidence and a panic hunger for goods. Rašín's note-stamping, a wealth levy and staged devaluation are weighed as techniques; England's deflation attempts of 1919 to 1921 are followed in statistical detail; and the Brussels Financial Conference under Cassel supplies the closing counsel that production and thrift, not technical measures, cure a currency.

Nur die Kuh, welche wirklich Milch hat, kann welche geben.

English translation: “Only the cow that actually has milk can give any.”