The archive.

A professed belief need not disclose everything its adherents know. In this brief review of R. F. Fortune’s Sorcerers of Dobu, Richard Thurnwald makes that distinction the basis of his own intervention in the debate over Trobriand beliefs about procreation. He argues that restrictions on childbirth outside marriage imply practical knowledge of physical causation, even where an accepted doctrine disavows it. His inference is more than an endorsement of Fortune: it challenges the treatment of such beliefs as remnants of primitive ignorance. Alongside this argument, Thurnwald values Fortune’s concrete accounts of property, stealing, and matrilineal kinship. The review offers a compact encounter with his preference for observed conduct over speculation—and with the interpretive leap by which he turns ethnographic particulars into a claim about socially sanctioned dogma.

Later revisions do not necessarily make an earlier exposition obsolete. In this brief 1932 review, Hayek welcomes the London School of Economics reprint of Böhm-Bawerk’s Grundzüge for restoring detailed discussions omitted from later presentations of his value theory. He credits Böhm-Bawerk not simply with restating Menger and Wieser, but with sharpening their arguments and resolving difficulties while preparing the foundations for his theory of capital and interest. The review offers a compact view of Hayek’s judgement of the Austrian tradition: clarity of exposition can itself advance theory, and an early text may retain analytical value even where its author subsequently changed his position.

What does sociology leave unexplained when it takes meaningful action and the understanding of others as givens? In this 1932 review of Alfred Schütz’s Der sinnhafte Aufbau der sozialen Welt, Felix Kaufmann identifies that question as the point where Schütz deepens Max Weber’s programme. His interest is methodological: how retrospective attention gives action meaning, and why a participant’s understanding of a social relationship differs from an observer’s. Kaufmann argues that these distinctions matter for constructing sociological ideal types and defining the limits of historical inquiry, rather than merely adding philosophical foundations. The review offers a focused contemporary assessment of Schütz’s challenge to Weber, showing precisely why Kaufmann regarded the analysis of temporal experience as consequential for social-scientific practice.

France and Germany had much to gain from economic cooperation during the Depression—but why should mutual advantage produce political agreement? In this 1932 article, Schumpeter separates the economic case for reconciliation from the national passions and parliamentary constraints obstructing it. Reparations sharpen the contradiction: Germany must export to pay, while its creditors resist German goods. Yet he also questions remedies that look cooperative, from producer agreements benefiting monopolists at consumers’ expense to foreign credit that postpones necessary adjustment. His distinctive contribution is to show how apparently threatening German exports reflect debt obligations rather than simply industrial strength. The reader encounters a case for commercial accommodation that refuses to mistake economic compatibility for political confidence, or capital flows for a means of creating it.

There is in politics a large irrational element even in economic matters.

Can capital accumulation increase because people are compelled, rather than persuaded, to consume less? In this 1932 journal note, Hayek revisits the history of “forced saving,” correcting the account he had offered in Prices and Production. His particular interest is in how newly created purchasing power can redirect existing goods toward production while rising prices reduce others’ consumption. Bentham’s “forced frugality” supplies an early formulation, but Hayek distinguishes evidence of conceptual resemblance from proof that ideas were transmitted. The resulting genealogy clarifies both an economic mechanism and its distributive cost: greater national wealth need not mean greater comfort or justice. Readers can discover why the recipients and uses of new credit matter, and why apparently different monetary vocabularies may describe the same involuntary sacrifice.

Both the narrative of unbroken progress and the fashionable theory of cultural cycles come under fire here as ego-centered, value-laden, and half-mystical—the notion of peoples and states ageing through youth, maturity, and decline among them. What can actually be compared across cultures, Thurnwald argues, is only material culture and knowledge: tools, procedures, medicine, natural science, which diffuse far more readily than law, morals, or religion, as Japan's selective adoption of European technology shows. He reconstructs apparent cycles from the recurring encounter of cattle pastoralists and hoe-farmers—exchange, tribute, warfare, sacred kingship, bureaucracy, dynastic collapse—as situational patterns rather than mystical recurrence, drawing analogies from Central Africa to Egypt, Rome, and tsarist Russia. Development and cycle, he concludes, can be clarified only through value-free socio-psychological analysis of situation-types and chains of effect, never through subjective valuation.

Während rückschauend — je nach unseren Kenntnissen der technischen und Wissensgeschichte —, die verzweigten Linien des Aufspeicherungsvorgangs verfolgt werden können, ist es vorausblickend nicht möglich, die entscheidende Bewegungsrichtung herauszufinden.

English translation: “While in retrospect—depending on our knowledge of technical and intellectual history—the branching lines of the accumulation process can be traced, prospectively it is not possible to discern the decisive direction of movement.”

Idle factories and unemployed workers coexist with households lacking shoes, clothing, and food. In this 1932 newspaper article, Emil Lederer asks why public subsidies should sustain unwanted industrial output rather than bring these unused resources together. His proposal is concrete: unemployed people would retain their benefits while producing necessities in vacant enterprises, with goods distributed free rather than sold. Drawing on mutual-aid workshops and cooperative housebuilding, he argues that existing expenditure could support useful production without increasing public budgets. The article’s revealing tension lies in its attempt to expand access to productive resources while protecting both market demand and trade-union wages. Readers encounter a practical test of where relief ends and low-wage competition begins—and Lederer’s insistence that who receives the output makes the difference.

Idle factories and unemployed workers coexist with households lacking shoes, clothing and fuel. In this 1932 newspaper article, Emil Lederer asks how those resources might be reunited without worsening the difficulties of businesses still selling into a depressed market. His proposal turns on a precise distinction: increase production, but keep the resulting goods off the market. Unemployed people would retain their benefits while working in reopened enterprises, receiving products rather than cash wages; surplus goods would reach other unemployed households. The interest lies in the scheme’s practical tension between collective provision and commercial exchange. Lederer preserves established wage rates as accounting measures while dispensing with monetary wages, allowing readers to examine both the ingenuity of his temporary remedy and its dependence on assumptions about household demand.

An dem Vorschlag ist wesentlich, dass die Produkte nicht auf den Markt kommen.

English translation: “It is essential to the proposal that the products do not enter the market.”

In this essay, first published in 1932 as Kapitalaufzehrung and here in English translation, Hayek opens what he called an 'economics of decline', the neglected theory of how a society consumes its own capital. His claim is stark: production costs held too high, with wages pushed above equilibrium against rigid money incomes, can make current consumption exceed current output, so that capital is quietly eaten away. The process betrays itself through a shortening of the structure of production, a shift toward quickly finished consumer goods, and a fall in the value of capital equipment before any physical decay shows; depreciation funds go unreinvested and circulating capital becomes unrecoverable. Drawing on Austrian and central European evidence, including Morgenstern's data on Vienna-listed firms, he warns that democratic anti-capitalist majorities may favour levies and public works that devour the very capital they depend on.

What we are confronting here, however, are economic problems towards whose explanation economics has as yet made little direct contribution, even if it offers us the necessary tools for doing so.

Saving promises security; Emil Lederer asks why capitalist accumulation so often destroys what it promises to preserve. In this 1932 article, the bottomless vessel of the Danaids becomes an image for wealth repeatedly amassed and lost. Evidence from early British limited companies and Austrian share values grounds his challenge to the idea that legal safeguards, competent management, and market adjustment secure lasting capital. Crucially, Lederer distinguishes losses suffered by investors from destruction of society’s productive wealth: a falling share price need not mean a vanished factory. His concern is where recurrent failure does impose social costs—lost livelihoods, reduced consumption, and fresh sacrifices to rebuild capital—while opportunities for gain and exposure to loss remain unequal. The article offers a concrete encounter between financial evidence and a socialist critique of economic rationality.

Collective ownership does not, for Emil Lederer, prove that an economy is effectively planned. In this authorized, slightly abridged 1933 republication of his 1932 essay, he distinguishes Soviet success in building industrial capacity from the unfinished task of coordinating production and meeting needs. His interest lies as much in the motivations sustaining industrialization as in its administrative machinery: socialist commitment releases energies that private profit once mobilized, but exhausted workers, shortages, and agricultural disruption expose its limits. Admiration for collective construction coexists with criticism of bureaucratic pressure and the rejection of economic calculation. Readers encounter a precise tension between the drive to accumulate and the consumption needed to sustain it—and an argument that socialist ownership cannot by itself settle questions of prices, investment, or human endurance.

Bidding farewell to Bonn in July 1932, Schumpeter set aside politics and policy to ask where economics as a science stands and where it is going. His answer is a sequence of methodological theses: economics must become an ethically indifferent empirical discipline that says what is and what will be rather than preaching from the lectern; its logic differs in no way from the other sciences, so mathematical tools need no apology; and its future lies in uniting facts, statistics, and theory, with Trendanalyse the frontier. He calls practical interest the discipline's crown of thorns, refuses to found a Schumpeter school, and judges Walrasian equilibrium aged when set against concrete industrial reality, yet the animating ethos is discovery against authoritative impossibility.

Das Faszinierende an der Wissenschaft ist im Grunde nur der Spaß, den man hat, wenn man tut, was beste Autoritäten für unmöglich erklären; nur die Jagd nach solchen Gelegenheiten ist etwas wert.

English translation: “What is fascinating about science is at bottom only the fun one has in doing what the best authorities declare to be impossible; only the hunt for such opportunities is worth anything.”