The archive.

Neither to make William James a phenomenologist nor to turn Husserl into a pragmatist: Schütz's aim is to locate the ground the two secretly share. He finds it in the reality of personal consciousness and the unbroken continuity of the stream of thought, set against the associationist atomism of Locke, Hume, and Mill. Reading James's famous "fringes" as anticipations of Husserl's inner and outer horizons, he aligns the substantive and transitive parts of thought with retention and anticipation in inner time-consciousness, and matches James's trains of thought with Husserl's polythetic syntheses that can afterward be grasped as a single monothetic object. James's doctrine of fringes, he concludes, tells for conceptualism against nominalism and opens a distinctively American route into phenomenology.

Zukünftige Historiker der Philosophie werden sicher zustimmen, daß hauptsächlich das Denken dreier Philosophen mitgeholfen hat, den gegenwärtigen Stil des Philosophierens umzugestalten: James, Bergson und Husserl.

English translation: “Future historians of philosophy will certainly agree that the thought of three philosophers above all has helped to reshape the present style of philosophizing: James, Bergson, and Husserl.”

When a household buys a car on monthly instalments, does that credit drive the business cycle or merely ride it? This National Bureau study, completed as Regulation W brought consumer credit under wartime control, argues firmly for the second view. Haberler defines instalment credit narrowly — scheduled repayment, finance charge, short maturity, a negotiable instrument — and shifts attention from the stock of debt outstanding to the flow of net credit change, the excess of new lending over repayments, which he takes as its direct contribution to effective demand. Durable-goods purchases, especially automobiles, make that flow cyclically volatile and, through the acceleration principle formalized in Samuelson's appendix, magnify swings in output. Yet credit follows income rather than leading it; between the oversaving arguments of Keynes and Hansen and the Austrian warnings of Hayek and Mises, Haberler places credit as amplifier, not motor.

The dog wags the tail and not the tail the dog.

Machinery and labour, Ricardo wrote, are in constant competition; from that maxim Hayek builds a tight reconstruction of the 'Ricardo effect,' the proposition that a general shift in wages relative to product prices alters the comparative profitability of methods combining labour and capital in different proportions. Writing in German in 1942, he makes turnover velocity—Umschlagsgeschwindigkeit—his gauge of capital intensity: a price rise adds the same margin at each sale, lifting the internal rate far more on fast-turnover, labour-heavy methods than on slow, machine-heavy ones. Firms redirect current outlay toward direct labour, even generating unemployment among machine-makers amid strong consumer demand. Testing the extreme of perfectly elastic credit and answering Kaldor and Wilson, Hayek insists that cheap money can obscure real scarcity but never abolish it.

Solange ungenützte Reserven von Arbeitern zu unveränderten Preisen zur Verfügung stehen, bedeuten unbegrenzte Geldmittel unbegrenzte Verfügungsmacht über die Produktionsmittel.

English translation: “So long as unused reserves of workers are available at unchanged prices, unlimited monetary means signify unlimited command over the means of production. But these are not the conditions relevant in a state of full employment, which will prevail near the peak of a boom.”

Rarely taken seriously in Germany and often dismissed for its ties to monetary crisis theory, the Wicksellian process — the claim that an interest rate departing from equilibrium sets off a cumulative movement in prices, investment, and the structure of production — receives here a searching capital-theoretic defense. Writing in 1942 for Kiel's Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv and taking Erik Lindahl's Studies as his occasion, Strigl runs the process through four models and reaches a single stubborn conclusion: new capital requires a restriction of consumption before, during, or after investment, even where productive capacity sits idle. He rejects the old quantity theory's view of money as a mere price multiplier, and faults Lindahl for treating the necessary saving as an automatic by-product of the process rather than its precondition.

Eine spezifische Selektionsfunktion des Kapitalzinses besteht nun in der Begrenzung der Produktionsumwege.

English translation: “A specific selective function of interest on capital consists in limiting the roundaboutness of production.”

Anton von Prokesch-Osten carried Vienna's cause first to Berlin and then to the Frankfurt Bundestag, where he faced the young Bismarck across a table neither man respected. Through these missions between 1849 and the Crimean War, Engel-Janosi reconstructs the struggle over whether Germany would become an enlarged Prussia or Prussia be sacrificed to a unified German nation. Schwarzenberg's design—that Vienna become the centre of a Habsburg-led Mitteleuropa—runs up against a Prussian Borussianism strong enough to thwart every Austrian plan while still too weak to build its own. In quarrels over the federal fleet, fortresses, and procedural privilege, a decade emerges when unification was not yet inevitable and Austria's federal alternative was still a living idea—one strategically defeated long before 1866.

Dank der überlegenen Taktik Bismarcks und der Furcht der kleineren Staaten triumphierte Preußen im Bundestag.

English translation: “Thanks to Bismarck's superior tactics and the fear of the smaller states, Prussia triumphed in the Federal Diet.”

When a peacetime economy converts to war, military demand piles onto civilian demand, usable productive means shrink, and the money circulation is thrown out of joint—three simultaneous shocks that no ordinary peacetime remedy can absorb. Written in Zurich in 1942 alongside Swiss reports by Böhler and Dütscher, this study refuses the comforting idea that policy should preserve the old circular flow; the whole national economy, Amonn argues, becomes structurally a war economy or it is none. He challenges the dogma that taxes never inflate while loans always do, subordinates the prevention of inflation to the overriding goal of maximum production, and defends rationing, differentiated price control, and savings-based war loans, testing each against Swiss figures for the cost of living, wages, and foreign trade.

Aber man geriete dann von der Scylla der Inflation unvermeidlich in die Charybdis der Deflation.

English translation: “But one would then inevitably pass from the Scylla of inflation into the Charybdis of deflation.”

Reach another mind, and you cannot do it by reading a body as an outward clue to a hidden soul—for if personhood consists in the very execution of its acts, the other must be met in the act itself. Schütz reconstructs Max Scheler's theory of intersubjectivity, its hierarchy of psychic life from drive to spirit and its rejection of both analogical inference and empathy, then charges Scheler with answering a transcendental question through metaphysical hypotheses about an undifferentiated supra-individual stream. Finding Husserl's Fifth Cartesian Meditation equally wanting, he turns to the mundane natural attitude and makes his decisive move temporal: self-consciousness is possible only modo praeterito, in the past tense, while another's speech and action can be followed in a shared living present. The alter ego is thus no substance inferred behind gestures but a second stream, growing older alongside one's own.

Das alter ego ist der subjektive Gedankenstrom, der in seiner lebendigen Gegenwart erlebt werden kann.

English translation: “The alter ego is the subjective stream of thought which can be experienced in its living present.”

Victory, not defeat, is the premise of this 1943 prognosis, which asks not whether capitalism deserves approval but what order can survive the war — defining capitalism by private ownership, private profit and loss, and privately created means of payment, then denying that any social system is ever pure. Total war, Schumpeter argues, builds bureaucracies and vested interests that outlast the emergency, while capitalism's own success corrodes its foundations: large-scale enterprise displaces the owner-manager, routinizes the entrepreneur, and breeds the taxation, labor power, and intellectual hostility that turn against it. He rejects the vanishing-investment-opportunity thesis in favor of this self-undermining account, and forecasts not doctrinaire socialism but an amphibial order — a formally private economy sustained by public expenditure, then Guided Capitalism and State Capitalism — cumbersome, mixed, and less vigorous than capitalism at its height.

But it is capitalism in the oxygen tent—kept alive by artificial devices and paralyzed in all those functions that produced the successes of the past.

Rationality, on the common assumption, is the standard by which ordinary conduct should be measured; Schütz insists instead that it has its proper home on the theoretical plane of social science, not in the street. Beginning from Talcott Parsons's definition of rational action as the intelligible choice of adequate means to ends, he separates the planes of experience—native, stranger, cartographer; actor, observer, theorist—and warns that a concept cannot cross between them unchanged. Everyday life runs on what he names 'cookbook knowledge': approximate recipes and typifications that work well enough, following Dewey's account of deliberation as imaginative rehearsal. Full rational choice would demand impossible foreknowledge of aims, means, and others' reactions. Rationality returns only when the observer replaces living actors with Weberian ideal-type puppets, endowed with just the motives the scientific problem requires.

Die Methodologie ist nicht der Lehrmeister oder der Tutor des Wissenschaftlers.

English translation: “Methodology is not the teacher or the tutor of the scientist.”

'Forced saving' had wandered through monetary theory, cycle theory, war finance, socialism, rationing, and corporate boardrooms, collecting incompatible meanings along the way — and this 1943 survey sets out to disentangle them. At its core lies a monetary idea: when bank credit or newly active money finances investment, capital formation can exceed what people meant to save, forced on the community, in Machlup's phrase, through monetary witchcraft. But the real consequences vary wildly, from no added investment under immobility to genuine consumption sacrifice at full employment. Drawing on Robertson's careful separation of money 'lacking' from real deprivation, and on Mises, Schumpeter, and Keynes, he ends with a thirty-four-item taxonomy of synonyms and homonyms, deliberately retiring the ambiguous phrase itself. A term that connotes so many meanings, he concludes, has lost its usefulness.

Saving refers merely to money amounts; lacking, on the other hand, refers to “real” quantities.

Economists dismiss pre-eighteenth-century thought as pre-scientific; historians lack the tools to spot economic theory buried in older texts. Against that double neglect, Schumpeter praises Father Dempsey's study of interest and usury for reading late-scholastic theology from within while judging it by modern standards. The Jesuits Molina, Lessius, and de Lugo, he argues, worked in a world already full of money markets, speculation, and negotiable paper, and their empirical method did not differ in logical character from ours. The essay's conceptual center is a sharp separation: economic analysis is valid or invalid autonomously, whatever moral use its results are later put to. From this Schumpeter defends both the scientific seriousness of scholastic inquiry and his warning that modern clergy pronouncing on money and banking must first master the technical economics involved.

Interest holds so central a position in the capitalist organism that it intrudes in practically every economic consideration or valuation.

How can expectations enter a science of action when the future is uncertain and every observable fact admits rival readings? The answer here refuses two easy paths: against Keynes, Morgenstern, and Myrdal, Lachmann denies that expectations are ultimate data like tastes and resources; against Lundberg and Schumpeter, he denies they can be deduced from objective business situations. A price rise may signal reversion or inflation, so meaning arrives only through the actor's interpretation, and economics needs ideal types and historical understanding rather than deterministic law. From this he builds a theory of plan-guided action and tests it on Hicks's elasticity of expectations and on interest-rate formation, concluding that an Austro-Wicksellian crisis requires a particular expectational climate. The essay makes intelligibility, not determinateness, the proper aim of social science.

The Social World consists not of facts but of our interpretations of the facts.