1,549 works, 150 years of economic thought. Each one summarized and searchable, with cited passages inside.
Werner Siemens hailed the dawn of a natural-scientific age; others warned the coming century would belong to politics and socialism. Delivered at the Karlsruhe Museum in March 1892, this lecture refuses the opposition, arguing that the political question is generated by technical modernity rather than opposed to it. Railways, steel, telegraphs, and mechanized agriculture have multiplied productive power, yet Philippovich measures genuine Kulturentwicklung not by inventions but by the household — dwelling, food, clothing, bodily care, and working time. Surveying peasants, Zittau handweavers, Baden cigar workers, and Mannheim factory hands, he finds output risen and lives scarcely improved. That contradiction between what technology can do and how people actually live, he holds, is what gives socialism its power over the masses; his answer is neither complacent liberalism nor collective ownership, but a broad Sozialreform of hours, wages, housing, and association.
In dem zur Zeit bestehenden Widerspruch zwischen dem, was die Produktionstechnik an sich vermag und der tatsächlichen Kulturentwicklung liegen die Kräfte verborgen, durch welche der Sozialismus die Massen beherrscht.
English translation: “In the contradiction currently existing between what productive technology is in itself capable of and actual cultural development lie hidden the forces by which socialism dominates the masses.”
Gold poured into the treasuries and the Austro-Hungarian Bank, and the currency reform looked like a triumph — which is exactly the complacency this 1893 pamphlet sets out to puncture. The gold agio climbing above the statutory parity from late 1892, Menger argues, is no phantom quotation but a signal that the legal relation between paper and gold has lost the market's confidence. His methodological move is to replace official reserve arithmetic with market analysis: gold in the vaults counts for little if the operations that gathered it drain the bill market and unsettle expectations. He traces the premium to a worsening trade balance, poor harvests, and speculative feedback, faults the disunited authorities for forcing procurement past the moment of danger, and insists that reserve and legal parity stand or fall together.
Mitten in diesem allgemeinen Taumel der Erfolge machte sich das Goldagio mehr und mehr, schliesslich in einer keine weitere Deutung zulassenden Höhe bemerkbar.
English translation: “In the midst of this general intoxication of successes, the gold agio made itself increasingly, and finally at a level admitting of no further interpretation, conspicuous.”
Philosophy, on this telling, is dying — its founding question of absolute happiness proved self-contradictory, and its living remainder passes to the science of relative welfare. Across this first, foundational volume Gans-Ludassy builds a 'system of economistic methodology,' arguing that only once epistemology, causality, induction and deduction have been settled can economic theory and policy be rebuilt. Writing amid the Methodenstreit, he refuses to subordinate economics to ethics, psychology or physics, dissects the fiction of the economic man, and traces the discipline's schools from Smith and Ricardo through the historical school to Menger's exact realism, which he judges incomplete. His own proposal, 'rational empiricism,' would fuse experience and logic, grounding every economic phenomenon in purposive action and the master concept of economic energy.
Die Philosophie der Zukunft ist Oekonomik.
English translation: “The philosophy of the future is economics.”
On 26 June 1893, British India closed its mints to the free coinage of silver, an event Zuckerkandl ranks among the greatest in monetary history since 1871. His essay dissects the reasoning behind severing the rupee from silver: the sharp fluctuation of the silver rupee against gold, the budgetary havoc it wrought on a state owing large annual gold sums in London, and the collapse of the international bimetallism that had been India's preferred remedy. Following Sir David Barbour's plan and the resulting restricted currency, closer to Austria-Hungary's inconvertible system than to a full gold standard, he weighs the early results and finds them mostly adverse: silver fell further, the old exchange stability with the East Asian silver regions broke, and the rupee held up only through artificial restriction of the government's drafts.
Jede Währungsänderung ist ein Experiment; handelt es sich aber um ein solches auf einem so grossen und eigenartigen Wirtschaftsgebiete wie Indien, so ist es nur um so richtiger, erst nach den Ergebnissen eines längeren Wirkens der neuen Maassnahmen zu urtheilen.
English translation: “Every change of currency is an experiment; but where it concerns one on so large and peculiar an economic territory as India, it is all the more correct to judge only after the results of a longer operation of the new measures.”
Devised by specialists yet ratified in daily trade only by the public that accepts or refuses it, money is for Wieser a social convention resting at once on law, metal, and fiscal credibility. Arguing before Prague's German commercial association for completing Austria-Hungary's currency reform, he stakes out a moderate position between doctrines. Against the bimetallist Dr. Arendt, who invoked Eduard Suess's geology to predict a coming scarcity of gold, he insists the empire must obtain gold to escape its paper-money isolation; against pure gold zealots, he refuses to treat inherited silver as a disposable remnant. Europe, he observes, runs not on a clean gold standard but on a mixed one-and-a-half arrangement of gold coin, retained silver, and token money. Currency reform, he concludes, stands or falls with budgetary discipline: agio is the monetary face of deficit finance.
Die Angelpunkte der Situation liegen weder in den Goldminen von Afrika, noch in der Münzpolitik der Vereinigten Staaten und Indiens, noch auf dem Londoner Markte, noch sonstwo ausserhalb, sie liegen in Wien und Budapest.
English translation: “The pivotal points of the situation lie neither in the gold mines of Africa, nor in the coinage policy of the United States and India, nor on the London market, nor anywhere else abroad; they lie in Vienna and Budapest.”
Not a picturesque survival of household production but a historically produced business form — that is how this general survey of Austrian small trades frames Hausindustrie, arising wherever expanded markets, putting-out capital, simplified technique, and cheap labor reorganize older craft relations. The Verleger, not the artisan, is the pivotal figure, linking dispersed rural and urban labor to distant markets and converting independence into dependent piecework. Schwiedland traces forms from Hausfleiß and Lohnwerk through manorial and monastic origins, showing small masters ground between factory competition and merchant capital and undone above all by capital scarcity. His detailed case of Vienna's mother-of-pearl button turners anchors the theory: technical simplification multiplies competitors, overcrowds the trade, and drives the wage-and-price spirals that push formally free masters back toward homework and wage labor.
Die Epochen des Verlagssystems sind vorzüglich Epochen der hausindustriellen Umgestaltung des Handwerks.
English translation: “The epochs of the putting-out system are above all epochs in which the handicrafts are transformed into cottage industries.”
At the heart of the endless quarrel over whether utility or cost is the ultimate source of value lies, on Böhm-Bawerk's diagnosis, a single equivocal word: "cost." This 1894 article, translated for an American audience by C. W. Macfarlane, patiently separates its meanings — synchronous money outlay from historical sacrifice, labor measured by duration from labor measured by pain — and asks which of them prices actually obey. He grants the law of cost real force, but only as a leveling principle that shifts productive powers among competing uses; what looks like cost is usually the marginal utility of the alternative products those powers might have made. Against Marshall, Macvane, and the disutility theorists, and exposing the circle of explaining product value by labor value and labor value by product value, he concludes that the ultimate standard of value is human well-being, expressed chiefly through utility.
It is, therefore, utility and not disutility which, as well on the side of supply as of demand, determines the height of the price.
When Wilhelm Roscher died in 1894, revered as the leader of the German historical school, Menger used the obituary to redraw the battle lines of the Methodenstreit. He honors Roscher generously—as the teacher who gave German economics its historical discipline and much of its prestige—while separating the man from his imitators, whose intolerant historism, not Roscher himself, provoked the Austrian revolt. The dispute, Menger argues, was never simply induction against deduction, since both schools rely on experience and on both modes of reasoning. The true quarrel concerned the aims of the science: whether political economy should merely collect historical parallelisms and describe, or whether it must also build exact theory from individual motives and psychological causes. The result is a measured act of boundary-drawing—honoring a great German while denying his method any monopoly.
Im Kreise der Gelehrtenwelt hat W. Roscher durch seine Auffassung der methodologischen Probleme eine tiefgehende Einwirkung geübt und den Ruhm eines Begründers der historischen Schule der deutschen National-Oekonomie gewonnen.
English translation: “Within scholarly circles, W. Roscher exerted a profound influence through his conception of methodological problems and gained the renown of a founder of the historical school of German political economy.”
A decade after the Methodenstreit, Feilbogen registers a shift: abstract theory, so often declared dead by the historical school, is undergoing a renaissance in the value and price work of Gossen, Jevons, Menger, Walras, and Clark. This sketch situates the historical school itself historically, as a necessary phase whose anti-theoretical reflexes are now spent, and argues for the mutual control of induction and deduction rather than the victory of either. It weighs the growing use of mathematics while warning against false precision in measuring pleasure and value, defends marginal utility against Lexis, and faults Jevons for neglecting entrepreneurial profit—an omission, Feilbogen suggests, that left theoretical openings for socialist doctrines of surplus value and crisis.
Auf die Thatsache der Werthschätzung allein kann nur eine Statik, nie eine Dynamik der Volkswirthschaft gegründet werden.
English translation: “Upon the fact of valuation alone only a statics, never a dynamics, of the national economy can be founded.”
Amid the Methodenstreit, with the German historical school pressing its case against abstract theory, Schüller — in a study dedicated to Carl Menger — mounts a point-by-point defense of the classical economists his contemporaries claimed to have surpassed. Brentano's charge that Smith, Say, Ricardo, and Malthus abstracted from culture, class, and locality, that they reduced human motive to naked egoism, that they preached a merely negative laissez-faire: each, Schüller shows by going back to the texts, is a misreading. He rereads the butcher-brewer-baker passage and the invisible hand in their qualifying context, and argues that the historicists, mistaking analytical abstraction for a denial of particulars, lack the theoretical power for genuine analysis and even muddle what the classics had already secured.
Es gilt die Klassiker — Smith, Say, Ricardo, Malthus — gerade in jenen Punkten, in denen sie Gegenstand der heftigsten, und, wie sich herausstellen wird, ganz unberechtigten Angriffe seitens der historischen Schule geworden sind, selbst wieder zum Worte kommen zu lassen.
English translation: “It is important to let the classical economists—Smith, Say, Ricardo, Malthus—speak for themselves once again, precisely on those points on which they have been subjected to the most vehement, and, as will become apparent, wholly unjustified attacks from the historical school.”
Decades of failed attempts to replace Austria's obsolete Erwerbsteuer patent of 1812 and the provisional income-tax patent of 1849 came to rest in the reform law of 25 October 1896, which Reisch here presents alongside the smaller statutes that remained in force. More than a bare edition, it reconstructs legislative intent from the motives, committee reports, and Reichsrat speeches, tracing the abandoned Dunajewski project, Steinbach's 1892 bill, and the roles of Plener, Böhm-Bawerk, and Biliński. The commentary follows the law's architecture: the general Erwerbsteuer assessed by repartition among tax societies rather than numerical net yield, the new Rentensteuer on capital yields, and the modern personal income tax with its progressive scale, household aggregation, and safeguards for business secrecy — a foundational text of the modern Austrian tax state.
Mit aller Entschiedenheit stand für die Regierung das Eine fest, daß die bisherige Methode der Besteuerung nach dem ziffermäßigen Reinerträge hier zunächst nicht fortgesetzt werden dürfe.
English translation: “For the government one thing was firmly established with all decisiveness: that the previous method of taxation according to numerically determined net yield could not, for the time being, be continued here.”
Strip away every trace of domestic charm, and Hausindustrie reveals itself as a relation of pure dependence: production routed through merchants, masters, agents, and contractors who push the costs of production into the worker's own household. Prepared amid the Viennese enquiry into women's work, Schwiedland's essay derives the Sweating-System directly from that structure — wage-cutting, excessive hours, evasion of factory and insurance law, destructive underbidding — and insists it needs no special middleman, since the putter-out can exploit just as well. A capital-poor trader may set up as a Verleger, take materials on credit, and force prices down, ruining older workshops and degrading quality alike. The home here is no shelter but a dispersed factory; his account of children wasting in dust-filled rooms turns economic diagnosis into a moral charge against a society that calls itself Christian.
In ihrer sozialen Lage sind diese Produzienten stets schwach und abhängig.
English translation: “In their social position, these producers are always weak and dependent.”